Why Guinea’s Election Crisis Matters by Peter Pham

The Guinean opposition has always enjoyed the support of the overwhelming majority of Guineans, as evidenced in this 2013 video.

The following article appeared in the April 23, 2015 issue of the US News and World Report. You will not find a better assessment of the dire political situation in Guinea today.  The author, Peter Pham, is to be commended for his research and for parsing out the truth often masked by government disinformation campaigns.

Why Guinea’s Election Crisis Matters
The country is key to maintaining peace and stability in West Africa.

Guinea security forces and protesters on Monday, April 13, 2015.
By J. Peter Pham April 23, 2015 | 11:00 a.m. EDT + More

The international community breathed a collective sigh of relief following the recent presidential, parliamentary and gubernatorial elections in Nigeria. Although the competition was the fiercest Nigerians have ever seen and the polls were marred by some irregularities and a few regrettable episodes of violence, the graceful concession of the defeated incumbent president and the magnanimity of his challenger pave the way for next month’s historic peaceful, democratic handover of power in Africa’s most populous country. It is a significant milestone, not only for Nigeria, but for Africa as a whole.
But imagine what would have happened if President Goodluck Jonathan had rigged the election process or simply refused to accept President-elect Muhammadu Buhari’s win at the ballot box? That’s what President Alpha Conde is trying to do in nearby Guinea, a geopolitically sensitive nation in the same West African subregion, where the political upheaval and ethnic conflict being risked could easily spill over into neighboring countries, including Mali, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, all of which are just themselves emerging from prolonged periods of civil strife. Consequently, there is an urgent need for the international community to engage more robustly in Guinea. The good news from Nigeria should not be an excuse for complacency about the prospects for democracy and stability elsewhere in the region.
Moreover, we should not view Guinea merely through the prism of Ebola, despite the efforts of the incumbent president to blame everything on the epidemic of which his country has been the unfortunate epicenter, as he shamelessly did this past week in Washington. Even before the outbreak of deadly disease wreaked havoc with the economy, both urban and rural poverty were increasing during the president’s tenure according to his own finance ministry’s report to the International Monetary Fund. Unable to run on his weak record, Conde, in office since a disputed election in 2010, is using every trick in the book to remain in power. Recently, the regime has been increasingly blatant in rigging the electoral process to ensure that it “wins” the elections scheduled for less than six months from now.
The political opposition realizes that it is being railroaded by the government, which controls the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission. That body has rejiggered the electoral calendar to give an insurmountable advantage to the incumbent president, who has refused to engage in a political dialogue with the opposition for almost a year.
Frustrated by both the government’s intransigence and the international community’s lack of attention, the coalition representing the major opposition parties has taken to the streets to demand free, fair and transparent elections. The peaceful demonstrations, including a massive one planned for this Thursday, have continued despite the regime’s attempts to violently repress them. On Monday, for example, several protesters, including a 15-year-old boy, were wounded when live rounds were fired at them by police.
As a result of these demonstrations, Conde’s government has finally offered to renew dialogue with the opposition. However, Cellou Dalein Diallo, a free-market economist and former prime minister, and other leaders of the opposition coalition have declined to participate in talks with the government until two conditions are met: the pro-government electoral commission must cease to function and be revamped; and the timetable for elections which the commission unilaterally announced must be dropped in favor of one which represents the consensus of all stakeholders. Speaking from Paris on Wednesday, Conde rejected any change to the election timetable.
The preconditions are necessary because opposition leaders do not trust Conde and think that the offer of negotiations is little more than a clever trap, just fruitless dialogue designed to waste time as the electoral clock continues to tick.
The opposition is confident that it has the support of the masses. Of course, it will have to prove that assertion at the polls. But for that to occur, the entire electoral process must be free, fair and transparent. And the process has to begin long before the Oct. 11 date chosen for the presidential vote. The opposition is demanding, quite reasonably, that local elections that Conde has postponed on one pretext or another for more than four years be held before the presidential poll, in accordance with Guinea’s laws as well as the repeated promises of the president himself.
Why is this so important? First, there is no basis in the Guinean constitution for the repeated postponements of these elections and, as a result of them, as both opposition politicians and civil society leaders have pointed out, none of those occupying local government offices – mayors, local council members, ward chiefs, etc. – has a legal mandate. Second, as many observers have noted, the criteria under which these officials have been retained without the consent of their constituents has been their allegiance to the president. Third, these same unelected local officials, dependent as they are upon the incumbent for their livelihood, will be the very people who, at the grassroots level, will not only be determining who can register to vote ahead of the polls and who casts ballots on election day, but will themselves be counting ballots and tabulating results.
Opposition candidates and pro-democracy advocates alike fear, justifiably, based on their experience in the controversial 2010 presidential election from which many reports emerged of fraud, that the process will be corrupted. Thus, these activists have called on the international community, especially the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States, the European Union, France and the United States, to engage more energetically in Guinea to ensure a level playing field for the upcoming local and presidential elections. Deploying foreign observers to monitor polling sites on election day would be too little too late.
Why does Guinea matter? Why should the international community, with so many crises demanding attention, even care? Guinea matters because it constitutes a case of arrested development, a country which has never realized its ambitions despite extraordinary human and natural resources – among other things, it holds two-thirds of the world’s largest reserve of bauxite, and prodigious amounts of gold, diamonds, iron ore, graphite, manganese and other mineral resources – that could make Guinea potentially one of the richest nations in Africa. Alas, since independence in 1958, the country has been run by a series of authoritarian leaders who have ruled from the top down for the benefit of the fortunate few, not for the entire nation. Moreover, without credible elections, Guinea risks plunging into a profound political crisis and, indeed, outright conflict. Ethnic tensions are already being stoked and, in a region whose borders were very recently shown by the rapid spread of the Ebola virus to be all-too-porous, such conflicts will be impossible to contain.
To head off this very real threat, the international community needs to engage now to ensure free, fair and transparent elections yielding credible results acceptable to all Guineans. It not only matters for the people of Guinea, but is critical to maintaining peace, stability, and democratic gains of the entire region.
J. Peter Pham is director of the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center.

Remember the Mining Industry in Guinea? WSJ Updates Us- Never a Dull Moment

Wall Street Journal
By
Scott Patterson
March 19, 2015 5:52 p.m. ET
0 COMMENTS

A long-running corruption investigation involving a mining company controlled by one of Israel’s richest men could yield up to a half-dozen indictments in the U.S., according to people familiar with the matter.

In a briefing last month, U.S. prosecutors told Guinean government officials that senior executives at BSG Resources Ltd. were among some of the people who could be indicted, according to people familiar with the meeting.

BSGR is the mining arm of Israeli billionaire Beny Steinmetz’s family-owned conglomerate. The investigation involves allegations of bribery and obstruction of justice against people connected to BSGR and a deal the company struck in 2008 to win prized mining rights in Guinea’s Simandou mountain range, one of the world’s largest deposits of iron ore.

The company was later stripped of those rights.

In an email Friday, a BSG Resources spokesman said the company would continue to press the Guinean government to “explain the lack of credible evidence used to justify the expropriation of BSGR’s mining rights.”
Advertisement

“[T]here is no evidence linking BSGR and its employees to corruption in Guinea,” the spokesman said. “Absolutely nothing has changed.”

The timing of the possible indictments is unclear, and investigators could still decide to drop the investigation. Spokesmen for the U.S. Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation declined to comment.

The February briefing followed the release from U.S. prison of a key individual in the investigation, Frédéric Cilins, in January. Mr. Cilins, a French citizen, had served two years for obstructing the federal investigation into bribery allegations related to BSGR and its mining operations in Guinea.

An attorney for Mr. Cilins, William Schwartz, declined to comment.

The U.S. investigation is one of several probes world-wide involving how the government of the West African nation awarded rights to Simandou. The entire block of iron-ore deposits was once run by Anglo-Australian miner Rio Tinto PLC, but in 2008 Guinea’s government awarded half of those rights to BSGR after the firm carried out a three-year, $165 million exploration program. Later, BSGR struck a $2.5 billion deal for Brazilian mining giant Vale SA, an iron-ore specialist, to buy a 51% stake of its Guinean assets.

Mr. Cilins had worked on behalf of BSGR in Guinea when it was pursuing mining rights there in the mid-2000s. A Guinean government report alleges that Mr. Cilins paid bribes to the wife of the now-deceased Guinean President Lansana Conté to help Mr. Steinmetz’s company win Simandou.

Mr. Cilins hasn’t been charged with bribery or other violations, and has denied the allegation.

The widow of Mr. Conté, Mamadie Touré, is cooperating with U.S. officials, a person familiar with the investigation said. An attorney representing Ms. Touré declined to comment.

In April 2013, Mr. Cilins was arrested in a federal sting operation in a Jacksonville, Fla., airport and charged with obstructing the U.S. investigation. Mr. Cilins pleaded guilty last year in a Manhattan federal court but didn’t agree to cooperate with investigators.

Since then, Guinea, now under a different regime, has stripped BSGR and Vale’s rights to Simandou after a government investigation found BSGR had engaged in corrupt activities. The probe cleared Vale of any wrongdoing. BSGR denies wrongdoing and has filed a formal arbitration request to win compensation from Guinea for stripping it of the iron-ore deposit.

Guinea’s Minister of Mines Kerfalla Yansané told The Wall Street Journal in February that the country plans to put the rights up for auction again in the next few months. However, new iron-ore projects aren’t as enticing as they once were, with the steelmaking ingredient prices hitting a six-year low.

In Switzerland, authorities in late 2013 opened a criminal probe in parallel with an investigation by officials in Guinea into whether BSGR paid bribes to secure the Simandou mining contract. In the U.K., the Serious Fraud Office is seeking information about the deal from two law firms that have acted on behalf of BSGR, including Skadden Arps Slate Meagher & Flom LLP, according to testimony by a BSGR official in a U.K. high-court proceeding. BSGR said in December that it had asked the court to review the lawfulness of the SFO’s alleged actions.

Skadden and the SFO declined to comment.

In a separate proceeding, Rio Tinto is suing BSGR, Vale and Ms. Touré, among others, in Manhattan federal court, alleging that they colluded to rob it of part of its Simandou rights.

Vale, which wrote off the $1.14 billion book value of Simandou in 2014, last Friday said it has transferred its stake to BSGR. Vale, which declined to comment, has denied any plot to rob Rio.

Mahmoud Thiam, a U.S. citizen who took over Guinea’s mining ministry soon after BSGR won the concession, said he recently handed over roughly 10,000 documents related to Simandou to the Guinean government, which is reviewing the documents for potential publication. He had delayed handing over the documents for a time because he was seeking guidance from Guinea’s government about how they handle them, Mr. Thiam said.

Write to Scott Patterson at scott.patterson@wsj.com

Doctors Without Borders’ Guinea Ebola Coordinator Says Virus “Out of Control,” Conde’s Promises Short on Delivery

Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) or, in English, Doctors without Borders (DWB) is putting out its second Ebola alert in two months stating the virus is “out of control” in Guinea. In an article further below, dated November 6, 2014, the DWB coordinator for Ebola in Guinea, Caroline Scholtes, says that with the virus spreading to several different geographic locations in the country, the two primary Ebola treatment centers, Conakry and the Forest region, are not adequate.  Further, Scholtes says,  “Ebola is likely to become endemic in Guinea. It’s depressing.”  And, it seems like Alpha Conde is  not being helpful.

 

In an October 26, 2014, article Rony Brauman, former head of DWB, said that DWB staff in Conakry complained that in May and June, Conde tried to coerce them not to be so public with information about the spread of Ebola in Guinea  because it was scaring people and would affect the economy (Read: it would affect investor interest in Guinea).  Unfortunately, Conde went further and accused the DWB staff of trying to enhance their own reputations with the public by providing updates about the outbreak!  Given that Conde’s very best friend, Bernard Kouchner, is the co-founder of DWB, you have to wonder whether he exerted influence to support Conde.

 

Today, new stats were issued for Guinea’s Ebola program: 1,813 cases, 1079 deaths.  Note that these numbers are considerably higher than figures given for Guinea over the last several months. In the second week of October alone, 100 new cases were reported in  Conakry.

 

It looks like Conde’s pressure to downplay the number of Ebola cases back in the spring and summer may have had some effect.  From the article below and anecdotal stories from Guineans who recently traveled to Guinea, there is little trust in Conde’s ability to handle the Ebola situation.

 

Please note that as of today, November 9, 2014, International SOS reports that Guinea’s Ebola status is “WIDESPREAD AND INTENSE TRANSMISSION”

 

Ebola “out of control” in Guinea, experts warn By Kristin Palitza, dpa

Conakry (dpa) – For three full days, a man lies dying in midst of Marche Madina, a bustling market in Guinea’s capital, Conakry. It is one of the largest in West Africa. He is writhing in pain, then unconscious. Nobody dares approach him.The fear of Ebola, which killed more than 4,900 people across the region during the worst haemorrhagic fever outbreak in history, is written on everyone’s faces.A toll-free telephone number, 115 – set up by the health department as an Ebola hotline – is ringing but leads to a recorded message: “This number is currently unavailable.” Panic starts to spread.On day three, the Red Cross finally arrives to collect the man. But it’s too late. His body is taken straight to the morgue.The teams have been busy since the number of confirmed Ebola infections in Conakry dramatically shot up this month, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). A hundred new cases were reported in the capital in the second week of October alone.Ten months into the outbreak, which started in December in a small village in Guinea’s east, the country roughly the size of the United Kingdom has only two Ebola treatment centres.

One 85-bed facility is located in the capital, the other, with about 35 beds, is situated in the town of Gueckedou, at the opposite end of the country, a two-day car drive further east. There is no help for Ebola patients in-between.

Both treatment centres are run by medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders), with some support from Guinean health workers.

The country’s public hospitals don’t have the know-how to treat Ebola patients. The only other facility for the population of 12 million is a transit centre in the south-eastern town of Macenta, the country’s current Ebola hotspot.

“There should be a treatment centre in each [of Guinea’s 33] prefectures,” says MSF project coordinator Caroline Scholtes.

The WHO says 10 additional Ebola facilities are needed.

Even the better off middle class, which has the means to access private health care, is currently at a loss. The private Ambroise Pare Clinic in Conakry was shut down on October 10 after a nurse was infected with Ebola.

The entire staff is under observation for 21 days. A note reading “heightened epidemiological vigilance level” is plastered across barricaded doors.

That means the vast majority of the 1,553 Ebola cases the WHO recorded in Guinea by October 25 continue to be cared for at home – placing families and communities at high infection risk and making it extremely difficult to stop the spread of the deadly virus.

“We have a huge catastrophe on our hands,” a United Nations source in Conakry told dpa. “This is just the beginning.”

He believes the number of unreported cases is likely to be 10 times higher than the number recorded by the WHO.

The lack of treatment centres also means that most patients have to travel far, sometimes hundreds of kilometres, to reach help. Few Guineans own a car. Most rely on crowded, public transport.

Although the nation has a lower case load than neighbouring Sierra Leone and Liberia, experts believe the epidemic will be harder to contain here. Ebola cases are spread out across the country – and not concentrated in the capital, like in Liberia – and therefore harder to trace.

“In Guinea, Ebola is increasing exponentially in terms of case numbers as well as geographically. One or two cases in remote areas are enough to create a hotspot if systems are not in place,” warns Scholtes.

With every new case, contact tracing gets more difficult. One Ebola patient has an average of about 100 potential contacts.

“The outbreak is completely out of control. Ebola is likely to become endemic in Guinea. It’s depressing,” says Scholtes.

Disapproval of President Alpha Conde’s Ebola response is perennial among international aid organizations in Conakry, but no one wants to criticize the government publicly, out of fear their work might be hampered.

On paper, the president has led a strong fight against Ebola. He declared a “national health emergency,” warned against panic and believing in rumours.

Conde tried to negotiate with Guinea’s neighbours to lift travel bans that hurt the economy and pleaded for attacks on health workers and burial teams to stop. Last week, he called on retired doctors to offer their assistance in treatment centres.

“If we fight back immediately, the faster we can stop the disease from spreading,” said Conde.

But for now, Conde has translated few of his appeals and promises into practice.

For more background on Guinea and Ebola:

Ground zero in Guinea: the outbreak smoulders – undetected – for more than 3 months

Dispatch from Guinea: Containing Ebola

Ethnocratie au sommet de l’Etat: le Profiteur Alpha Condé, ethno impénitent à cupidité notoire.

Ethnocratie au sommet de l’Etat: le Profiteur Alpha Condé, ethno impénitent à cupidité notoire.

Accueil

“…pour caser les Malinkés il faut casser les Peulhs…”“Nous sommes donc pratiquement dans une situation d’apartheid en Guinée. On a d’un côté une « Hautaine Guinée », le bantoustan glouton qui avale tout et, de l’autre, un fouillis de foyers tribaux qui ne picorent que des miettes…”La Guinée souffre d’une terrible maladie, inoculée par un MEC (pour qui le trio « Méningite, Ebola, Cholera » est une aubaine pour quémander non pas des médicaments mais des sous) nommé Alpha Condé, président avide et à vie du RPG (Rassemblement des Profiteurs de Guinée) qui fait office de chef de l’Etat. Il s’agit de l‘ethnocratie, forme de gouvernement par lequel les représentants d’un groupe ethnique particulier accaparent indûment un nombre important de postes de commandement sans commune mesure avec son importance numérique au sein de la population totale, dans l’unique but de maintenir une position monopolistique et durable au détriment des autres groupes ethniques.AC n’est professeur de rien mais profiteur de tout et ce bonhomme n’a rien de bon. Comme un chef de gang, il n’est efficace que dans le mal. Il a divisé les Guinéens en étant que le Président de certains d’entre eux et non celui de tous. Pour masquer son incompétence, il a marqué sa politique du sceau de l’infamie et de la discrimination et instauré dans notre pays une «Condécratie».1)- Le Profiteur AC, ethno impénitentUn système anti-peulh initié par Sékou Touré est maintenu et renforcé dans l’Administration et les forces de défense et de sécurité (gendarmerie, police, etc.) contre les cadres Peulhs, même au prix de l’effondrement du service public. Pour Alpha Condé, le problème guinéen est simple à résoudre: pour caser les Malinkés il faut casser les Peulhs comme si la prospérité des premiers dépendait de la marginalisation des seconds. Une insulte indirecte d’AC à l’égard des Malinkés, groupe auquel on le rattache alors que la presque totalité des Guinéens estiment que leur pays n’est pas le sien. Qu’Alpha Condé soit ancien Voltaïque ou nouveau Burkinabé, vrai Mossi ou faux Sénoufo, importe peu. Lorsqu’un leader mène une bonne politique, personne ne se préoccupe de ses origines et de la terre de ses ancêtres. Ce qui reste acquis, c’est que AC est pourri et faux. Il s’est appuyé sur des Malinkés pour diviser les Guinéens et pouvoir régner. N’avait-il pas dit que tout Malinké qui ne vote pas pour le RPG est un bâtard ? Vue de l’extérieur, la Guinée ressemble à un pays mono ethnique. Il suffit de regarder les minables émissions de la RTG (la radio télé-bidet guinéenne, avec des journalistes-griots aussi laids que nuls), de se rendre dans les ambassades guinéennes ou de rencontrer les délégations officielles qui se pavanent à l’étranger. Ainsi, à la réunion du FMI et du groupe de la Banque Mondiale tenue à Washington en avril 2014, la délégation guinéenne était composée exclusivement de Malinkés: Madikaba Camara (ministre conseiller à la Présidence), Mohamed Diaré (ministre des finances), Sékou Traoré (ministre du plan), Ansoumane Condé (ministre délégué au budget), Lounceny Nabé (gouverneur de la Banque Centrale), Moustapha Naïté (ministre de la jeunesse), etc. Il est important de toujours rappeler la part réservée par AC aux Peulhs dans leur propre Etat et qui les met dans tous les états. Pour lui, il y a des Peulhs en Guinée mais pas de Peulhs de Guinée. Pour simplifier, l’Etat se définit, au plan juridique, comme une entité politique ayant pour support un territoire délimité, renfermant une population donnée et dotée d’un pouvoir institutionnalisé. Mais vu sous l’angle simplement politique et administratif, l’Etat se résume à l’ensemble des pouvoirs publics et c’est à ce titre qu’il faut jeter un regard sur le système exclusif et exécrable instauré en Guinée.   Concrètement l’Etat guinéen ce sont: – La Présidence de la république – La Primature – La Présidence et la Vice-présidence de l’Assemblée Nationale – Le ministère des Affaires Etrangères – Le Ministère de l’Economie et des Finances – Le Ministère de l’Intérieur – Le Ministère de la Défense – L’Etat-Major Général des Forces Armées et les 3 Etats-Majors (Terre, Air, Mer) – La Gendarmerie Nationale – La Police Nationale – Le Ministère des Mines – La Banque Centrale – Le Trésor – La Douane – Les Impôts – La Caisse Nationale de Sécurité Sociale – Le Conseil Economique et Social – Le CNOSCG (Conseil National des Organisations de la Société Civile Guinéenne) – L’ONT (Office National du Tourisme) – Le poste de Médiateur de la République – Le Port Autonome de Conakry – L’Aéroport de Conakry – L’ACGPMP (Administration et Contrôle des Grands Projets et des Marchés Publics) – L’Agence de Régulation des Postes et Télécommunications – La RTG (Radio-Télévision Guinéenne) – EDG (Electricité de Guinée) – Le Conseil National de la Communication – La Cour Suprême – La CENI (Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante) – Les représentations aux Nations-Unies, à l’UE, à l’UA, à la CEDAO, auprès d’autres organismes régionaux (financiers, bancaires ou religieux) comme ceux basés à Dakar, Tunis, Paris, Djeddah, etc. – Les ambassades auprès des Etats membres permanents du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations-Unies (Etats-Unis, Russie, Royaume-Uni, France, Chine), des autres grandes puissances économiques (Allemagne, Japon, Canada, Corée du Sud, Brésil, Australie, Belgique, Inde, etc.), des puissances régionales africaines (Egypte, Ethiopie, Algérie, Maroc, Nigéria, Angola, Afrique du Sud, etc.), des pays voisins (Sénégal, Côte d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, etc.), des pétromonarchies (Arabie Saoudite, Emirats du Golfe, etc.) Je réitère le défi déjà lancé et que personne n’a pu relever: indiquer un seul Peulh installé à un des postes précités, en dehors du Général Baldé de la Gendarmerie qui a prouvé par son comportement anti-peulh qu’il n’a aucun lien avec sa communauté d’origine. En énumérant ces postes de haute responsabilité, je n’ai même pas évoqué la composition des équipes au sein des départements ministériels et de certaines administrations où un hideux décret anti-peulh de purification ethnique est systématiquement appliqué. Un exemple des plus édifiants est fourni par EDG (Electricité de Guinée). Conakry est sans doute la capitale la moins électrifiée du monde. Il parait que notre « El âge whisky » Alpha Condé (qui avait exprimé sa honte d’être musulman avant d’aller souiller les Lieux-Saints de La Mecque) voulait donner de l’électricité à la Guinée mais que, selon son servile PM Saïd Fofana, «c’est DIEU qui ne l’a pas voulu»! Heureusement que notre pays est ensoleillé. Voici donc l’organigramme d’EDG en septembre 2011. En le parcourant, on ne risque pas d’être électrocuté mais simplement interloqué. Coordinateur Général de l’EDG: Abdoulaye KEITA (originaire de Siguiri) Chef de Département Communication : Laye KOUYATE Chef de Département Audit Interne : Mamadi KABA Assistant du Coordinateur Chargé des questions d’Audit : Alkaly Mohamed CONDE Conseiller Chargé du développement des Ressources Humaines : Oumar DIONG Conseiller Chargé de Mission : Kalil DOUMBOUYA Chef de Département Informatique : Pierre KOLIE Chef de Département Mesure des Performances : Mamadouba M’Mah CAMARA Coordinateur Général Adjoint Production et Efficacité Energétique : Alassane TOUNKARA Responsable Production et Transport : Sayon DOUMBOUYA Chef de Département Production Hydraulique : Fodé Kenneth CONDE Chef de Département Mouvement d’Energie : Amadou Telly SAMAKE Chef de Département Production Energie Renouvelable : Ansoumane CAMARA Chef de Département Sites Stratégiques : Amine DIABY Chef de Département Production Thermique : Fodé SOUMAH Responsable Efficacité Energétique et Lutte Contre la Fraude : Yarie DIABY Chef de Département Efficacité Energétique : Siba KOIVOGUI Chef de Département Prévention Sinistres : Cheick DIAKITE Chef de Département Lutte Contre la Fraude : Baba DIALLO Coordinateur Général Adjoint/Exploitation : Morlaye Karo TOURE Responsable Distribution et Exploitation Régionale : Lamine Evans SAGNO Chef de Département Maintenance et Travaux : Moumini CAMARA Chef de Département Dépannage : Zakariaou Diao CAMARA Chef de Département Etude et Pose Compteurs : Alama CAMARA Chef de Département Exploitation Régionale: Kerfala CONDE Responsable Planification et Equipement : Oury DIALLO Chef de Département Planification, Etudes et Stratégies : Aboubacar DIAKITE Chef de Département Equipement : Lounceny MAGASSOUBA Chef de Département Logistique : Mohamed Lamine CAMARA Chef de Département Achats : Fodé Ismaël CAMARA Chef de Projet Construction du Barrage de Kogbèdou : Diamadi BERETE Responsable Ressources Humaines : Mamoudou DIAKITE Chef de Département Santé : Kadiatou CISSE Chef de Département Sécurité et Environnement : Bintou KEITA Chef de Département Formation : Ibrahima CISSOKO Chef de Département Administration et Plan de Carrière : Raymond BANGOURA Responsable Administration et Finances : Sadabou DIABY Chef de Département Administration : Ibrahima TOURE Chef de Département Comptabilité : Moussa KABA Chef de Département Contrôle de Gestion : Bangaly KOUROUMA Chef de Département Trésorerie : Sanoussy CISSE Chef de Département Patrimoine : Abdoulaye Daouda CAMARA Responsable Marketing et Commercial : Lansana DOUNO Chef de Département Marketing : Mohamed DOUMBOUYA Chef de Département Grands Comptes : Aboubacar CHERIF Chef de Projet Pose Compteurs : Hawa Doubani KEITA Chef de Projet Recensement Clientèle : Kalil TRAORE Chef de Département Commercial Ville de Conakry : Saa M’Bemba MILLIMONO Chef de Département Commercial Villes de l’Intérieur : Youssouf DIABY On n’a pas besoin d’une lampe électrique pour voir que, même avec les rares noms non malinkés, EDG est une niche communautaire peu éclairée. Peut-on donc rendre les Peulhs responsables de l’obscurité en Guinée ? Même lorsqu’un Peulh occupe un poste important, il est harcelé et humilié pour le pousser à la démission. S’il résiste, il n’est plus payé, ce qui constitue une autre façon de le chasser. C’est dans une telle situation que se trouve Ismaël Baldé, président du Conseil d’Administration de la SOTELGUI (Société de Télécommunication de Guinée) depuis fin 2009. Il a expliqué son calvaire dans une interview accordée, le 17 juillet 2014, à Africaguinee.com. Ce haut cadre intelligent, compétent et intègre est systématiquement écarté des négociations avec le syndicat sur le sort réservé à SOTELGUI, dirigée effectivement par Oyé Guilavogui, le ministre des Postes et Télécommunications. Pour détourner l’argent public, une société bidon dénommée OGUIFOK (Oyé Guilavogui Fodé Kaba Sécurité) a été créée et coûte, pour uniquement ses quatre vigiles, au moins 80 millions de Fg par mois payés par la SOTELGUI. M. Baldé, quant à lui, ne reçoit aucun salaire depuis 2011. En même temps, l’Etat débourse 38 milliards de Fg pour simplement payer les arriérés de salaires des travailleurs de la SOTELGUI qui génère pourtant de confortables revenus à travers une source rentable : la fibre optique. Nous sommes donc pratiquement dans une situation d’apartheid en Guinée. On a d’un côté une « Hautaine Guinée », le bantoustan glouton qui avale tout et, de l’autre, un fouillis de foyers tribaux qui ne picorent que des miettes (Sossostan, Bagastan, Foutadjallonkestan, Kissistan, Lelestan, Lomastan, Kpellestan, Manostan, Konostan, etc.). Avec 18 lettres, le Foutadjallonkestan semble trop favorisé aux yeux d’AC (qui avait récolté frauduleusement les 18% des voix de Sidya Touré au 1er tour de la Présidentielle de 2010, alors que lui n’avait semé que de la haine). C’est pourquoi il a divisé ce foyer en un Foutustan (même pas Fouta ou Foula mais Foutu, c’est-à-dire ruiné !) appelé à disparaître et en un Roundestan disparate, financé, armé et encouragé à rejoindre la « Hautaine Guinée ». Bienvenue au Condestan en voie d’apparition ! On estime que la population guinéenne serait ainsi répartie: Peulhs: 40% Malinkés: 25% Soussous: 20% Autochtones de la Guinée Forestière: 15% De sources généralement bien informées, l’armée guinéenne qui engloutit presque la moitié du budget de l’Etat et au sein de laquelle l’ethnocentrisme a pris du galon, aurait ses effectifs globaux dispatchés de la façon suivante: 4% de Peulhs 20% d’originaires de Guinée Forestière 25% de Soussous 51% de Malinkés. Il s’agit de la troupe, c’est-à-dire ceux qui transpirent, qui avalent au quotidien de la poussière, qu’on gave de riz importé, qui n’ont d’habit que leurs tenues et qui ne sont véhiculés que pour attaquer les Peulhs contre lesquels ils sont dressés. En affinant les données, les officiers (tous grades confondus) seraient: Peulhs à 1% «Forestiers» à 15% Soussous à 20% Malinkés à 64%. Quant aux officiers supérieurs proprement dits, exprimer leur nombre en pourcentage même arrondi éliminerait les Peulhs des statistiques. Et si on examinait le malheureux 1% concernant les Peulhs, on verrait certainement qu’il contient 90% de citoyens du « Manden Djallon », une créature ubuesque d’Alpha Condé et de 10% de ceux que ce dernier considère comme de « purs Peulhs». C’est tout simplement kafkaïen ! Je rappelle qu’à la mi-janvier 2014, la composition du « nouveau gouvernement de mission » imposé à M. Saïd Fofana était la suivante: 34 ministres dont 18 Malinkés, 4 Soussous, 5 Peuhls et 3 « Forestiers » de souche. Des 6 ministres d’Etat, 3 sont Malinkés. Cette information a été fournie, en janvier 2014, par M. Lamine Camara dans l’article «Alpha Condé: du panafricanisme au tribalisme ». J’insiste sur le fait que les Forces Armées Guinéennes ont été restructurées avec la complicité criminelle du Général sénégalais Lamine Cissé, afin que toute la chaine de commandement soit contrôlée par des Malinkés dans l’unique but d’empêcher l’accès au pouvoir d’un membre d’une autre ethnie. Le recrutement dans l’armée est, depuis longtemps, systématiquement fermé aux Peulhs. Sous Sékou Touré, ils y étaient tolérés mais ne progressaient qu’à l’ancienneté. Un Peulh avec le grade de capitaine, c’était le top ! On peut facilement consulter la composition de la haute hiérarchie militaire guinéenne au 26/03/1984, date bénie à laquelle Dieu a débarrassé la Guinée de ce criminel. Je souligne que le Profiteur AC pourrait également bénéficier de la complaisance juridique de la gambienne Fatou Bensouda, procureure générale de la CPI. Cette « Générale » ne fait pas preuve d’un enthousiasme débordant pour faire avancer certains dossiers compromettants pour les siens. C’est donc toute une ethno stratégie sous régionale qui est mise en place pour reconstituer un empire mythique. Cette situation est plus choquante qu’inquiétante. En effet, ceux qui gèrent en ce moment la Guinée sont tellement aveuglés qu’ils croient que le soleil ne se couche jamais. Ils ignorent qu’ils ne peuvent pas réprimer indéfiniment les frustrations de toute une communauté. Un autre « juillet 1985 » pourrait se rééditer ! Evidemment, si les Peulhs sont marginalisés dans leur propre pays, c’est qu’ils sont victimes de la mollesse incroyable de certains leaders politiques en panne de charisme, opposants le jour et collabos la nuit. C’est trop facile de dire que rien n’est facile avec AC. Personne n’a demandé à l’opposition de prendre les armes pour le combattre mais de s’armer de courage afin de dénoncer immédiatement et systématiquement ses violations de la constitution. AC n’est pas fort; c’est une opposition faible qu’il a en face de lui. Bien entendu, dans le contexte actuel de « Tout sauf un Peulh », aucun Peulh ne peut accéder à la Présidence de la République. Dans un vote purement ethnique, le premier tour voit toujours dans l’ordre un Peulh, un Malinké, un Soussou, etc. Au second tour, une coalition anti-peule fait mécaniquement gagner le Malinké. Hier, Sékou Touré s’était servi des Soussous; aujourd’hui, Alpha Condé se sert d’eux. Si, à l’égard des Peulhs, ce dernier entretient jalousie et haine, il est à noter qu’à l’égard de nos compatriotes de Guinée Forestière il affiche mépris et condescendance. Ce n’est pas pour rien que les militaires proches du capitaine Moussa Dadis Camara ont été confinés à Kindia, loin des centres stratégiques de la capitale. En cas de menace, AC qui est nul mais pas bête les verrait venir. Après l’ère Lansana Conté (que les extrémistes Malinkés considèrent comme un accident historique) et le bref règne de Dadis (brutalement écarté avec la complicité du Général Konaté), les Soussous et les ressortissants de la Guinée Forestière devraient ouvrir l’œil, mais le bon: En effet, « tout sauf un Peulh » = « tout sauf un Soussou » = « tout sauf un Forestier », qui équivaut concrètement à « tout pour un Malinké » ! S’ils ne veulent pas d’un Peulh, ils n’auront rien d’autre qu’un Malinké, se condamnant eux-mêmes à n’être que des transporteurs d’une couronne qui gravitera autour de leurs têtes sans jamais s’y poser. Je ne dis pas qu’il faut absolument un Peulh à la tête de la Guinée pour que ce pays s’en sorte mais je pense que la Guinée ne s’en sortira jamais si les Peulhs y sont exclus. Chaque région dispose de ressources humaines qui ne demandent qu’à être mises au service du pays. Si un dirigeant ne préfère que ses parents, alors qu’il choisisse au moins les meilleurs d’entre eux. En Guinée, la priorité n’a jamais été de construire le pays mais de combattre systématiquement les Peulhs. Or, tant qu’on piétine les Peulhs, le pays patine. Si l’énergie déployée contre les Peulhs était réorientée vers le développement de la Guinée, en serions-nous là où nous sommes aujourd’hui? Pendant que cet égoïsme infécond nous ruine, le Profiteur Alpha Condé amasse une fortune, trésor de guerre qu’il pourrait, même après avoir été viré du pouvoir, employer pour déstabiliser la sous-région. AC n’est pas inquiet ; il est plutôt inquiétant. Le Profiteur AC, aventurier notoirement cupide Alpha Condé est très mauvais. En effet, il s’est entouré de vautours pour piller la Guinée comme l’avait montré un document d’Africa Mining Intelligence, paru le 15/11/2012, sous le titre « Alpha Condé, l’empereur des mines ». Ce document, largement publié sur le web, constitue une mine de renseignements sur son clan constitué par : -Mohamed Alpha Condé dit « Mac », fils du Profiteur. S’appeler «Mac» est bien significatif. -Guillaume Curtis, le neveu -Namory Condé, le frère « adoptif » -Aboubacar Sampil, le bras droit du fils «Mac» -Djènè Kaba Condé, l’épouse politique -Mamadi Kaba Guiter, le beau-frère. Ce club des six ne constitue que la partie visible de l’iceberg Condé. En fait, ce dernier est entouré de pourris dont il est le calife général. Avec lui, l’opacité est de règle. De colossales rentrées d’argent sont évoquées mais quel est l’usage qui en est fait ? Au moment où il s’est emparé du pouvoir, il a dit n’avoir trouvé dans les caisses de l’Etat que 50$ (seulement 50$ !). Aujourd’hui, « celui qui n’a rien géré » disposerait, comme bon lui semble, de plus d’un milliard $ dont : Les 25 millions $ de Palladino empruntés puis, parait-il, remboursés (avec quel taux d’intérêt et surtout dans quel intérêt ?) sans traçabilité comptable. Les 700 millions $ de Rio Tinto payés, semble-t-il, au Trésor Public. Qu’a fait AC de ce versement exceptionnel ? Les 60 millions $ de la société sud-africaine MTN versés, croit-on également, au Trésor Public. Les 150 millions $ empruntés à l’Angola et dont on ne sait pas clairement sur quelle piste ils ont atterri. A quoi a servi tout cet argent ? Nos «honorables» députés qui sont censés pouvoir nous le dire restent muets. Quoi qu’il en soit, ces centaines de millions $ n’ont pas servi à améliorer le quotidien des Guinéens mais à gonfler des portefeuilles de particuliers. Alpha Condé n’étant pas préparé psychologiquement à manipuler de fortes sommes (c’était un aventurier dans la précarité) cette overdose de dollars lui tourne certainement la tête. Il vient de donner (s’agit-il de son argent pour le financement de cette opération ?) 35 000 gilets de sauvetage aux usagers de la mer. C’est la Guinée qui a besoin de sauvetage. Les Guinéens accepteraient-ils qu’il se sauve après avoir saigné leur pays? Il pourrait même avoir préparé une montgolfière pour déguerpir sans grand bruit. Conclusion Alpha Condé est un malfaiteur durable. Il est ethno comme certains peuvent être écolos. Il est intellectuellement incapable, même avec un bac+40, de diriger un village. Pourtant, ce nul règne sans partage sur la Guinée depuis presque 4 ans. Un paradoxe qui s’explique. C’est parce qu’il est un politicard machiavélique, un menteur invétéré et un manipulateur diabolique qu’il a été coopté pour diriger notre pays. Ce genre d’individu est une sorte de ciment à prise rapide pour certains milieux d’affaires cherchant à s’attacher à la Guinée. C’est avec des nuls que des compagnies peuvent signer facilement les contrats miniers juteux pour elles. C’est aussi simple que cela. Alpha Condé avait promis aux Guinéens une superproduction hollywoodienne. Il nous sert un film d’horreur sanglant et glauque. En 2010, avec officiellement 18% des voix au 1er tour de la Présidentielle, il a réussi grâce à des appuis mafieux à se hisser à la tête du pays. Maintenant qu’il dispose de l’armée, de la police, de l’administration et des finances il lui est encore plus facile de truquer n’importe quelle élection. Face à une opposition émasculée, cet «El âge» qui ne mettra jamais d’eau du Fouta dans son vin, termine un mandat indu et s’apprête à briguer un autre pour pérenniser le règne d’une dynastie communautariste d’un autre âge. Il faut donc absolument le chasser par tous les moyens, de préférence par celui qu’il a utilisé pour prendre le pouvoir et qu’il compte réutiliser pour le garder: la violence. La Guinée a des citoyens formidables qui peuvent éjecter ce prédateur fort minable, sans remords d’autant plus qu’il est perçu par tous comme un apatride. Pour terminer, quelques perles en vrac du web, visibles mais pas forcément risibles pour tous: -J. S. Guilavogui, directeur du journal « Le Fouineur » et de « guineesudinfo.com » ayant été attaqué le 16/07/14 à Conakry par des militants du RPG en uniforme, le Haut Commandant de la Gendarmerie, le général Baldé a ordonné l’emprisonnement des agresseurs. Va-t-on vers l’établissement de l’Etat de droit en Guinée ? Pour ce haut fait d’armes, l’ancien «opposant hystérique » devrait accorder au général Baldé le grade de Maréchal. Toutefois, une petite question : si l’agressé s’appelait, par exemple, « Modi Maadjou Kowlé », notre général aurait-il aperçu quelque chose, même avec des jumelles ? – Le RPG vient de publier le recensement de la population guinéenne. Selon lui, Kankan est maintenant plus peuplé que les régions de Mamou et Labé réunies et dépasse même celle de Conakry ! AC a donc tenu sa promesse, faite le 6 février 2012, de démontrer que les « Peulhs ne sont pas majoritaires » en Guinée. Eh ALA ! koutoubou !!! AC, spécialiste des magouilles statistiques, a sans doute comptabilisé les rebelles introduits en Guinée Forestière, les Dioulas de Côte d’Ivoire et du Burkina Faso ainsi que des Bambaras du Mali, tous chercheurs d’or clandestins comme résidants permanents en Haute Guinée. Cette région aurait-elle bénéficié d’un « plan Marshall démographique » pour voir sa population grimper plus rapidement que celles des autres ? Même par insémination artificielle à grande échelle, difficile de se reproduire aussi vite ! Pendant qu’on y est, pourquoi le « malobali » AC ne corrige-t-il pas les anomalies du fichier électoral en recensant les ânes de Kankan comme adhérents du RPG ? Eh Kèla ! koutoubou !!! -François Hollande vient de faire une tournée en Afrique en zappant la Guinée. C’est une excellente nouvelle. Que n’aurait-on pas entendu à la RTG ! Blaise Compaoré est, quant à lui, venu à Conakry pour 48h mais n’en a effectué que quelques-unes, le temps de supporter la formule débile d’AC vantant «l’amitié guinéo Burkina Faso ». C’est à se demander si S.E. le Pr. Alpha Condé n’incommodait pas ses pairs par ses impairs à répétition. Je vous salue ! Ibrahima Kylé Diallo Suivant >

 

Press Conf. on Prov. Election Results: Damantang Camara “Bogarts” Through Illogical Script

What can you say about today’s government press conference concerning the provisional results of the Guinean legislative elections?  One thing is for sure, Damantang Camara, the government’s spokesperson, is a sharp cookie and he was quick to make two things clear.

First, the government-CENI conglomerate would “Bogart” its way through the press conference without taking responsibility for much of anything on its plate.   Camara must have chuckled to himself when he dodged the gnarly issue of the government’s culpability in massive fraud by replacing it with a non-issue.  According to Camara, the RPG arc-en-ciel identified anomalies early on in the election, got to the complaint box well before the opposition and is now pursuing the irregularities.  While this is not particularly clear, it is bound to be less stressful than investigating your own fraud.

Second, the conglomerate would exploit the generous gift it got from the EU when the observer team said the “irregularities” were found in “eight out of a total of 38 constituencies.” It is not certain whether the opposition knew about the “8 out of 38” before the release of the EU statement.  If not, there may well have been an EU-conglomerate discussion about the need to “contain” the fraud.  Actually, the fraud is far more widespread than suggested in the EU statement and this is the reason the opposition is calling for the election to be annuled.

After Camara’s press conference, the opposition parties met.  According to africaguinee.com  Sidya Toure said they have not changed their minds – annul the election.

[Article translated into English – rough, but you’ll get the idea.]

Contested constituencies: the government decides on interim results

“Preliminary Results and annulment in the disputed constituencies” is the theme of a press briefing hosted by the Wednesday, October 9 Damantang Albert Camara, spokesman for the Government in the House of the Press Coleah located in the town of Matam , found on site Guineenews ©.

From the outset, before an audience of journalists, the spokesman of the government initially declined the outline of his briefing. He said the government acknowledges the recent comments made ​​by those who their (observers) accompany. Then he also said he came interact with media people on a number of points to raise ambiguities about the electoral process. And in the end, to enlighten the attention of journalists, the international community and all Guineans who are, according to him, hanging on the electoral process.

First, he stated that the government has noted with satisfaction that the international community continues to support them with advice, observations and recommendations in this process before we can hope that in the end they will be sure to have partners who will validate the electoral process.

Speaking of anomalies in some constituencies, the government spokesman said a number of observations should be made. “The first is that in general the defects and deficiencies have been identified by our partners in eight constituencies, which leads us to believe that in the thirty districts can legitimately consider that things are fairly and properly spent” s is it forbidden.

And adds: “The second finding is that the eight identified districts in which he seems to have had problems, defects, malfunctions and failures, these are terms that are used, you have two of the RPG-Arc Rainbow won the SMP, two UFDG, and four related UFR “Has he said before adding that regardless of these districts, there are others where abnormalities were found. But, he said, those who are the subject of debate are these eight districts.

As for accusations of fraud orchestrated in the election on 28 September, the spokesman of the government is clear, he argues that the movement was the first to assert: “The RPG Arc-en-ciel was the first to denounce anomalies even before the results begin to be published by the CENI. Immediately after the election the RPG Arc-en-ciel began denouncing a number of acts that were likely to undermine the credibility of the vote in some areas, “he said.

Regarding the electoral district of Nzerekore, the government spokesman lantern illuminates the saying: “A Nzerekore, we have about thirty thousand seventy thousand voters have spoken. But we also note that four hundred and some polling stations were canceled percent leads us to believe that this cancellation is to our detriment, “said he advised.

And he goes on these words: “Let us be very clear, these abnormalities affect us as well as everyone else. We are the first victims, and we also expect to exercise all remedies for normal is called “Has he promised.

As for the request for invalidation of the election on September 28, Damantang Camara said to have focus. “We are in misunderstanding over the annulment of the opposition does not say to whom the letter is addressed, nor what form it should take. We remain confident in the whole process and we hope that very soon the report of the CENI will eventually allow the Supreme courts to decide that the vote of Guinea is also well respected in the substance and form, “Has he insisted.

Whereas the conference, the Minister Kiridi Bangoura, a member of the Technical Committee for monitoring the political agreement July 03 was the false good.

The government is the briefing at a time when the so-called Republican opposition threatens to descend into the streets, occupying public squares in case if its demands are not taken into account. However, psychosis among the population continues.

Like a Fox in a Chicken Coop: US Amb. Laskaris Wants to Verify Opposition Claims of Irregularities and Fraud in 9-28 Legislative Elections to See “If It Affects the Election”

Africaguinee is reporting that US Ambassador Laskaris is offering  to “verify irregularities and fraud claims” made by the opposition concerning the September 28 Guinean legislative election and determine “if claims affect the election.”

 

Amb. Laskaris has not been in Conakry long, but he made his mark quickly as he metamorphosed  from an American “every man” to a duplicitous, slippery operator. Laskaris decided to take a hard line on opposition demonstrations by playing dumb about the origin of violence which occurred during those demonstrations.  He knows well that the violence originates from two, collaborative forces: state security and RPG militias-provocateurs (sometimes supplemented with Donzos and foreign mercenaries). The RPG militias infiltrate the protests and attack opposition supporters, who have every right to defend themselves.  When they respond to the RPG aggression, state security rushes in to mete out violence against the opposition, including summary executions in the streets.  

 

It wasn’t long before Laskaris, in public presentations, interviews, statements, and probably at dinner parties, built his case that the opposition and its stone-throwing tactics are the real culprits in Guinea.  He repeated it like a mantra. He knows that the RPG and state security are not there to operate within the law, and he uses their violence as the basis to criminalize the opposition.  But, the real reason that Laskaris and other diplomats want the opposition off the streets is because the massive numbers reveal the original dirty sin.  Alpha Conde stole the 2010 presidential election, with the international community’s assistance, which brought him to office, but without a mandate to govern.  In order to control the majority of the population who did not vote for him and to shield him from being removed from office, he built up his existing arsenal of repression with “irregular forces,” the better to hide a direct link to the government.  And, yes, once you steal one election you must steal all the others.  This is how Conde and the international community have held onto the myth that he is Guinea’s “first democratically-elected” president.  Every time the opposition hits the streets, the massive numbers pulverize the myth like a wrecking ball.  There is no doubt that the opposition did very well in the recent elections and that will become evident, that is, until the CENI works its diabolical magic.  Laskaris and many members of the international community shamelessly propped up Alpha Conde over the last three years by criminalizing the opposition and ignoring the state-sponsored violence.

 

So, look at Laskaris’ next moves as if you were playing poker with him. You know from past games, he comes with several aces up his sleeve and a true “poker face” to cover his strategy.  The most prudent thing to do would be to shut the game down and devote every effort to preventing Laskaris from getting within 500 feet of a Guinean ballot.

Guinea’s Legislative Elections: Guineenews’ Comprehensive Coverage, Including Videos

Click here to go to guineenews article.

And this, from Guinee58, is Guinea Oye’s photo of the day.  It was taken in N’Zerekore of people lined up to vote.

Al Jazeera Video: N’Zerekore, Guinea – “Ethnic Violence Threatens Guinea Mining”

Ethnic violence threatens Guinea mining

Violence that has left 50 people dead over past week puts strain on major international commodity contracts.

Last Modified: 23 Jul 2013 10:55

The UN has commended Guinea’s government for trying to restore calm in the west African nation. More than 50 people have been killed in fighting between tribes over the last week.

Guinea is the world’s biggest exporter of Bauxite, the main source of Aluminium. But the increase in tensions could threaten multi-million dollar contracts with a number of international mining companies. 

Al Jazeera’s Nazanine Moshiri reports from N’Zerekoure.

 Video

“High Noon at the Guinea Corral,” by David Gleason: Are Steinmetz and Soros at Each Other’s Throats? Did South African Backers Help Conde Steal 2010 Election? Did Rio Tinto Pay $700M Bribe to Guinea to Hold on to So. Simandou?

High Noon at the Guinea Corral

by David Gleason

IF THERE was a sliver of doubt, there cannot be any longer — George Soros and Beny Steinmetz are at each other’s throats and this isn’t going to end happily for one of them.

Of the two, Soros is better known. A multibillionaire (I’ve seen numbers like $30bn), he rose to international fame (and infamy in Britain) as the man who shorted more than $10bn in sterling, triggering the UK’s withdrawal from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism, prompting a devaluation of the pound and earning himself $1.1bn. A Hungarian nonpractising Jew, Soros, 83, has been married twice and is currently courting Tamiko Bolton, 40, a New York pharmacist.

Beny Steinmetz, 56, allegedly Israel’s richest man, is said to be worth about $6bn. He inherited the Geneva-based Steinmetz Diamond Group from his father and later formed Beny Steinmetz Group Resources, also Geneva-based but managed out of London.

The Steinmetz Diamond Group continues to be diamond giant De Beers’s largest sightholder.

Steinmetz is a commercial hurricane. He rarely stays in one place for long. He’s a legendary deal-maker and I’m sure he has been burnt frequently.

Of course, buying, polishing and selling diamonds isn’t at all the same as developing a major mining operation. I am not at all certain as to what it was that persuaded Steinmetz to shift gear so dramatically.

A long article in The New Yorker (July 8) quotes Paul Collier of the Centre for the Study of African Economies at Oxford as taking “a dim view of businessmen like Steinmetz who have secured rights to natural resources they may not actually have the expertise to develop.”

That’s such a crappy observation I cannot believe an adviser to UK Prime Minister David Cameron would make it. I can think offhand of many men who did exactly that — Cecil John Rhodes, Ernest Oppenheimer and others. The issue revolves around the Simandou iron ore deposits in south-central Guinea, a large area containing what may be the largest high-grade undeveloped continuous iron-ore body in the world.

It is where most miners would not want it to be. Guinea is grossly undeveloped, its peoples mired in poverty, probably worse off now than when its first president, the irrational Sekou Touré, gave the French the boot and then proceeded to lock away in concentration camps and murder all those he thought might oppose him.

Touré died in 1984 but nothing got any better.

Meanwhile, along came mining house Rio Tinto, which qualifies in Collier’s book as able to develop a project. Rio secured the mining rights to Simandou north and south in 1997. It did nothing with them, and probably deep-froze them to hold off competitors while it developed its operations in the Western Australian Pilbara.

Steinmetz was given two unconnected areas, one north of Simandou, the other south.

The northern site wasn’t worth persevering with, but the south revealed an entirely new deposit, henceforth called Zogota.

When Touré’s successor Lansana Conté died in 2008, a military junta led by Moussa Dadis Camara, an army captain, took power. Dadis brought technocrats into the cabinet, one of them Mahmoud Thiam, to serve as minister of mines.

Thiam and his sister were smuggled out of Guinea during Touré’s reign — his father died in one of Touré’s concentration camps. Thiam was educated in the US, obtained an economics degree from Cornell University and went on to work for Merrill Lynch and UBS.

Accused in The New Yorker of being a Steinmetz champion, it was Thiam who told Rio Tinto it wasn’t complying with the terms of its mining leases. He stripped the company of its northern Simandou licence and awarded it to Beny Steinmetz Group Resources on the grounds that it had discovered the Zogota deposit.

Predictably enough, Rio Tinto was enraged. It claims it invested heavily in Simandou, but the time frame belies that — it doesn’t take nearly 12 years to start developing an iron-ore deposit, or begin rebuilding a railway line, or begin developing a deep-water port, at least some of which would be undertaken with international financing.

A number of things then transpired. Not in any order, the Guineans finally held an allegedly open, free, election. Alpha Condé, 72, who had lived outside Guinea for 50 years, won 18% in the first round. His principal opponent Dalein Diallo won more than 45%. In the delayed second round, Condé suddenly appeared with 53% and Diallo with 47% — an about-term in fortunes that invites deep suspicion.

It was at this juncture that stories began to emerge that South Africa had provided financial support (said to be about $18m) to Condé, used to help finance a South African company, Waymark Infotech, which provided election management. Stories circulated that Soros and South African companies were providing “advice” and, in one case (Palladino) $25m to Condé’s new government and that organisations financed by Soros had become prominent.

The latest twist in a story that is fast providing a slew of plots for thriller novelists is that Steinmetz’s group allegedly prevailed on Mamadie Touré, the fourth wife of the dying previous president, Lansana Conté, to procure the mining licence for Simandou. They allegedly provided her with money, diamonds and a guaranteed 5% stake in Simandou. She revealed all this to a curiously and conveniently unnamed cabinet minister.

A wire worn by Mamadie Touré recorded a damaging discussion in Jacksonville, Florida, between her and Frédéric Cilins, said to have orchestrated the bribes, and to have been close to Steinmetz. The FBI was listening. Cilins was arrested and released on $15m bail.

Meanwhile, Rio Tinto sold a portion of its southern Simandou licence to the Aluminium Company of China for $1.7bn and then paid $700m to the Guinean government in return for a guarantee that no further action would be taken against it.

What will happen now? Did Condé steal the election with help from backers in South Africa? Did Beny Steinmetz Group Resources bribe Guineans to get the licence? Did Rio Tinto pay an effective $700m bribe to hold on to southern Simandou? There’s lots more — but no space.

Who is your money on — Soros or Steinmetz?

GUINEA: Billionaire Steinmetz Traces Woes to Vale Deal

Billionaire Steinmetz Traces Woes to Vale Deal – paper

LONDON, June 27 | Thu Jun 27, 2013 5:00pm EDT

(Reuters) – Billionaire Beny Steinmetz, who is embroiled in a bitter mining battle with Guinea, has told an Israeli newspaper that he traces his troubles back to a deal three years ago that brought in Brazilian miner Vale SA as a partner.

Steinmetz – a media-shy Israeli-born tycoon – has remained silent throughout the months-long fight between BSG Resources, the mining arm of his business empire, and the West African country, over BSGR’s right to mine half of Simandou, one of the world’s largest untapped iron ore deposits.

But in an interview with Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth to be published on Friday – his first since the Guinean dispute began last year – Steinmetz said it was the group’s lucrative 2010 deal with Vale that marked the start of trouble.

BSGR was handed the concession for northern Simandou in 2008, shortly before the death of then-president Lansana Conte. No payment was made up-front, though BSGR agreed to build a $1 billion passenger and freight railway from the capital Conakry on the west coast to Kerouane in the southeast.

Less than two years later, BSGR struck a deal with Vale, the world’s largest iron ore producer, to sell a 51 percent stake in the project for $2.5 billion.

“The problem began, apparently, from envy following the Vale sale. People began to say that BSGR bought an asset for $100 or $200 million and sold it for $5 billion,” Steinmetz told the newspaper, apparently referring to a $165 million BSGR exploration programme agreed with Guinea.

“This is not true – it sold 10 percent for $500 million, with an option to go up to 51 percent in exchange for another $2 billion.”

Vale has said it paid $500 million but hurdles were not met for any further payments to be made.

NO SKELETONS

The Guinean government, carrying out a major review of mining contracts, last year accused BSGR of paying bribes to obtain its concession days before the death of Conte in 2008. The uncertainty around the project meant it was put on ice.

BSGR has repeatedly denied wrongdoing and Steinmetz dismissed the accusations as “preposterous rumours.”

“There are no skeletons in the closet. The company pays nothing to anyone,” he told the newspaper. Instead, the billionaire – who is not involved in the day-to-day running of BSGR but remains closely associated – accused a “wicked and well-oiled machine” of operating against the group.

BSGR has frequently accused the Guinean government’s high-profile foreign advisers of conducting a damaging and personal smear campaign to thwart its ambitions in Guinea. It has also blamed President Alpha Conde, who came to power in 2010 vowing to clean up a mining sector which has failed to enrich Guinea.

Sources familiar with the matter have said the review of BSGR’s Simandou concession could take months more, not least because of an FBI investigation into allegations of corruption. FBI agents in April arrested BSGR representative Frederic Cilins in Florida, on charges of obstructing a criminal investigation, tampering with a witness and destroying records.

“I met him three or four times in the past, after the deal with Vale was sealed,” Steinmetz said, denying ties to Cilins.

(Reporting by Dan Williams in Jerusalem and Clara Ferreira-Marques in London; editing by Matthew Lewis)