HRW Guinea: Tribute to Dr. Thierno Maadjou Sow A tireless defender of human rights in West Africa (EN-FR)
Human Rights Watch Tribute to Dr. Thierno Maadjou Sow who passed away Thursday, November 12, 2015.
Guineé : Hommage au Dr Thierno Maadjo Sow
Inlassable défenseur des droits humains en Afrique de l’Ouest
C’est avec grande tristesse que Human Rights Watch a appris la nouvelle du décès du Dr Thierno Maadjou Sow, président de longue date de l’Organisation guinéenne de défense des droits de l’homme et du citoyen (OGDH). Le Dr Sow s’est battu sans relâche durant des décennies, et souvent en se mettant personnellement en danger afin de faire progresser le respect des droits humains en Guinée. Nous nous souviendrons de lui pour avoir mis des questions relatives à ces droits au cœur des priorités des autorités nationales et des partenaires internationaux de la Guinée. Le Dr Sow était un partenaire et un ami respecté et précieux de Human Rights Watch, et l’héritage de son important travail ne sera pas oublié. Human Rights Watch adresse ses sincères condoléances à la famille du Dr Sow, à l’OGDH, ainsi qu’à tous les militants guinéens œuvrant pour la promotion des droits humains et pour l’État de droit.
Guinea: Tribute to Dr. Thierno Sow Maadjo
A tireless defender of human rights in West Africa
It is with great sadness that Human Rights Watch has learned of the death of Dr. Thierno Maadjou Sow, president of Guinea’s longtime defense Organisation of human rights and citizen (OGDH). Dr Sow fought tirelessly for decades, often putting himself personally at risk in order to advance respect for human rights in Guinea. We will remember him for putting questions relating to human rights at the heart of the priorities of national authorities and international partners of Guinea. Dr Sow was a partner and a respected friend and valuable Human Rights Watch, and the legacy of his important work will not be forgotten. Human Rights Watch extends its sincere condolences to the family of Dr. Sow, the OGDH, and all Guinean activists working to promote human rights and the rule of law.
After two Guinean presidential elections in a row were stolen by Alpha Conde, both fraught with provable, staggering fraud, the people of Guinea are wondering today if they will ever participate in an election where their vote counts. Not only have they been disenfranchised in both elections, but these are the citizens among whom the Guinean government massacred and raped in an audacious attack on an opposition rally on September 28, 2009. It was obvious from the start that probable war crimes were committed. But, before a case can make it to the International Criminal Court, the crimes must first be tried in the court system of the country in which the crimes were committed. Indictments of the perpetrators of the September 28, 2009 massacre were highly unlikely because the case required the government to prosecute itself. Despite reassurances from the ICC head, Fatou Bensouda, that crimes against humanity had taken place, Guinean officials feigned interest in pursuing the case handing out a few indictments — just enough to keep the case in limbo between Guinean courts and the ICC. Before long, Guineans heard and saw less of Fatou Bensouda and it is highly unlikely Guineans will ever receive justice.When ICC prosecutor sent out a statement on October 14, 2015, about post-election violence to the people of Guinea, it sent the opposition into a tailspin. In rather terse language she notified “political actors” that she would prosecute them for any of an array of crimes under ICC jurisdiction. Glaringly lacking in her statement were similar warnings to the Guinean government and a general call to use restraint. Her statement is proof that she is doing the bidding of the Conde government and interested international actors to scare opposition protesters off the streets and, most likely, into jails. Guineans are not lost on the irony that Bensouda did nothing to further the September 28, 2009 massacre case, but she has been drafted to be Conde’s “cop” to police an opposition that has every reason in the world to be in the streets. .
Below is Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda’s statement followed by a statement from Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon which has been working on issues associated wit the 2009 massacre.
Statement of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Mrs Fatou Bensouda, following growing tensions reported in Guinea
As part of its ongoing preliminary examination, my Office has been closely following developments in the situation in Guinea, including as they relate to the risk of possible violence leading to crimes falling under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or the “Court”).
The Presidential election in Guinea is following its course. However, reports of growing tensions have recently emerged.
I would like to reiterate my call for calm and restraint to all political actors, and their supporters. I wish to reiterate that anyone who commits, orders, incites, encourages or contributes in any other way to the commission of atrocity crimes falling within the jurisdiction of the ICC is liable to prosecution either in Guinea or at the Court in The Hague.
My Office is closely following developments of the situation in Guinea.
Source: Office of the Prosecutor
Elections in Guinea-letter Pottal Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon to Mrs Fatou Bensouda
New York October 16, 2015
For the past six years, our organization, Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon, and many associations of victims or human rights have been constantly challenging you personally to accelerate a referral to the ICC for crimes against humanity of 28 September 2009 in Guinea. Given the state of decay in which political regimes have deliberately kept the judicial system in Guinea, the Guinean people have hoped that the ICC would be a viable substitute for prosecution of political crimes in our country.
As of 14 October 2015, following the presidential elections, your office has made a statement calling for calm and restraint but also threatening to prosecute people who commit crimes or incite violence.
If your appeal was limited to appeal for calm, it would be commendable. But, in this case, your veiled threats are regrettable in many respects. They echo the words of the Minister of Justice of Guinea. They leave the impression of collusion with those in power with a regrettable ignorance of acts recently committed by the security forces crimes, but also the frustrations of Guineans to have serious deficiencies during the election recorded and addressed. It is the legitimate and inalienable right of every Guinean – political leader or not – to rebel against any failure of governments – especially in an electoral consultation matter. But, by making threats that implicitly target the opponents of the regime, you give the impression to trample these legitimate and fundamental rights. Surprisingly, you seem to favor the maintenance of peace at any cost at the expense of justice and you leave a perception of bias towards those who are viewed by the Guinean people as usurpers of power through electoral manipulations.
If during the last six years, your office was not satisfied that terse statements on crimes against humanity in 2009, your calls would have had more chance of being taken seriously. Better, more drastic and concrete actions of the ICC in prosecuting criminals were the most effective way to ensure elections without violence and acceptance of results by all stakeholders.
Instead, for six years, your office has kept a disturbing silence about heinous crimes committed by the security forces of the regime which, despite the complaints of the victims were never heard by the Guinean justice system. You may recall:y include: the numerous killings of protesters, the attack and the summary execution of citizens dormant in Zogota, the kidnapping of youth in Conakry and their secret transfer to a military camp in Upper Guinea where, following 10 days of torture, two of them lost their lives, arbitrary arrests of military conspiracy rumors etc.
Moreover, despite repeated calls from all sides, we have not heard you disavow the presence in the Guinean government of officers accused of crimes against humanity for which your office is in charge of preliminary investigations. Finally, the ICC found no objection to the flagrant denial of justice by which not only the Guinean government prohibits Daddis Camara to return to his country, but also appear before the court, following his indictment for crimes of 28 September 2009.
These unfortunate oversights contradict the mission of the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC. The ICC has guaranteed a wide independence and discretion to open and manage investigations and to propose the indictment of the accused in gathering evidence. However, in the case of Guinea, neglect and the perception of bias demonstrated by you has put that independence in a bad light. Incidentally, they tarnish the image of the jurisdiction of the ICC which remains a last resort for many African citizens living in countries with ruthless dictatorships.
As always, our organization and many victims’ organizations in Guinea assure you of their full availability to work with you in the search for justice. At the same time, our determination to spare no effort to bring about a Guinea rid of a gangrene of impunity is the reason for our public questioning of you.
Please believe in our regards.
The Central Committee of Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon
· Minister of Justice of Guinea
· Minister for Human Rights of Guinea
· Guinean associations of victims: AVIPA, AFADIS, AGORA, Camp Boiro
· Human Right Watch
· Human Right First
““““`· State Department Global Justice
Daddis presidential bid – Letter from Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon to Mrs. Fatou Bensouda (EN-FR)
Daddis presidential bid – Letter from Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta Djallon to Mrs. Fatou Bensouda.
New York, May 29, 2015
Dear Madam Bensouda,
Following the announcement of the candidacy of Mr. Daddis Camara in the presidential elections of Guinea, a coalition of 29 Human Rights organizations, including the FIDH and OGDH, made a statement to mark their indignation on this inappropriate bid which is a sign of contempt to the judicial process and to victims of the massacres of 28 September 2009.
On many occasions – by online petitions, memoranda and letters – our organization and many victims have called on you to request the transfer of the 2009 crimes against humanity’ investigation to the International Court of Justice. We’ve regularly kept you informed of the actions and statements of the Guinean government’s obvious denial of justice to the victims. On October 25th, 2014, in a speech in the Soussou language given in the Loos Islands, the Guinean President admitted having asked the “white folks” to put an end to the investigations. That same month, the justice minister, accused those who want that judicial proceedings to be expedited of having hidden political motives.
The culture of impunity is not only a legacy of past state violence in Guinea. It has become a method of governance. With the approach of presidential elections, the Guinean president wants to use the 2009 crimes to sow discord among the Guinean communities. The staging of demonstrations in the town of Nzerekore and the appointment in the government of a supposed ally of Mr. Daddis Camara, Mr. Boubacar Barry, are part of his plans. In addition, the authorities spread rumors of rebellion in the region from alleged accomplices of Mr. Daddis. A concerted effort is being made by the government to entertain the fiction of Mr. Daddis Camara political stature behind which Guinean citizens native of the Forest region would identify. The campaign is an insult to the Guineans from the southern region of Guinea who are strongly opposed to human rights violations which they have always been victims of. The governance by impunity introduced by the Guinean president has made ethnicity a screen to hide grave crimes. The goal – for the purposes of electoral maneuvering – is to make all denunciations of the crimes committed by the CNDD, an attack against local residents. These amalgams have served as cover for state crimes in Guinea and are the framework of perpetuating impunity.
Our organization and the associations of the victims believe that all conditions are met for your intervention. Since the charges made on a few officers in 2012, the Guinean judges in charge of the September 2009 crimes case have made no progress. This laxity is unacceptable. One of its consequences is to have enabled the Guinean government to inject in the electoral process an officer charged of crimes against humanity. Faced with this evident obstruction of justice of the Guinean government, it is the duty of the I.C.C to take up the issue of the killings. The Guinean populations and victims put their hope in your institution of last resort to begin the eradication of impunity in our country. This eradication is the only way to counter the confrontations the government of Mr. Conde has prepared with his policy of political division and legal laxity.
We remain available should you need any further information.
COMMISSION FOR THE CENTRAL POTTAL-FII-BHANTAL FOUTA-DJALLON
Candidature présidentielle de Daddis – Lettre de Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta-Djallon à Madame Fatou Bensouda.
New York, le 29 Mai 2015
Chère Madame Bensouda,
Suite à l’annonce de la candidature de Mr. Daddis Camara aux élections présidentielles de la Guinée, une coalition de 29 organisations de défense des droits de l’homme incluant le FIDH et l’OGDH, a fait une déclaration pour marquer leur indignation sur cette candidature inopportune qui est un signe de mépris du processus judiciaire et aux victimes des massacres du 28 septembre 2009.
A maintes occasions – par pétitions en ligne, mémorandums et lettres – notre organisation ainsi que de nombreuses victimes vous ont interpellée pour demander le transfert des enquêtes sur les crimes de 2009 à la cour internationale de justice. Nous vous avons régulièrement tenue informée des actions et des propos de déni évident de justice aux victimes des crimes contre l’humanité de 2009 du gouvernement guinéen. En date du 25 octobre 2014, dans un discours en langue Soussou aux îles de Loos, le président guinéen a avoué avoir demandé aux « blancs » de mette fin aux enquêtes sur les massacres. Ce même mois, le ministre de la justice, accusa ceux qui veulent que les procédures judiciaires soient accélérées d’avoir des arrière-pensées politiques.
La culture de l’impunité ne procède pas seulement du passé de violence d’état en Guinée. Elle est devenue une méthode de gouvernance. À l’approche des élections présidentielles, le chef de l’état guinéen veut faire des crimes de 2009 un moyen de discorde entre les communautés guinéennes. Les montages de manifestations dans la ville de Nzérékoré et la nomination dans le gouvernement d’un supposé allié de Mr. Daddis Camara, Mr. Boubacar Barry, font partie de ses plans. En outre, les autorités répandent des rumeurs de rébellion dans la région par des prétendus affidés de Mr. Daddis. Cette campagne est faite pour entretenir l’illusion d’une stature politique de Mr. Daddis Camara derrière laquelle les guinéens originaire de la région de la Forêt se reconnaitraient. En soi, elle est une insulte aux guinéens de la région du Sud de la Guinée qui restent fermement opposés aux violations de droits de l’homme dont ils ont été toujours victimes. La gouvernance par l’impunité instaurée par le président guinéen a fait de l’appartenance ethnique un paravent pour des crimes imprescriptibles. Le but visé est de faire – à des fins de marchandages électoraux – de toutes dénonciations des crimes commis par le CNDD, une atteinte aux habitants de la région. Ces amalgames sont la couverture aux crimes d’état en Guinée et le cadre de perpétuation de l’impunité.
Notre organisation et les associations des victimes considèrent que toutes les conditions sont remplies pour une intervention de votre part. Depuis les inculpations de quelques officiers en 2012, les juges guinéens en charge du dossier des crimes de Septembre 2009 n’ont fait aucun progrès. Ce laxisme est inacceptable. L’une de ses conséquences est d’avoir permis au gouvernement guinéen d’injecter un accusé de crimes contre l’humanité dans le processus électoral. Face à cette obstruction manifeste de la justice du gouvernement guinéen, il est du devoir de la CPI de se saisir du dossier des massacres. Les populations guinéennes et les victimes placent leur espoir en votre institution de derniers recours pour entamer l’éradication de l’impunité dans notre pays. Cette éradication reste le seul moyen pour contrer les affrontements dont le gouvernement de Mr. Condé a préparé les conditions de par ses politiques de division et de laxisme juridique.
Nous restons à votre disposition pour toute information complémentaire et vos prions de croire à nos sentiments distingués
Pour la commission centrale de Pottal-Fii-Bhantal Fouta-Djalon
Link to French version appears after the English version
Two months ago, I warned that unless the international community steps up quickly to pressure the incumbent regime in Guinea to achieve a consensus with the political opposition and civil society regarding the sequencing and scheduling of the elections constitutionally required less than six months from now, the West African country’s belated and fragile democracy might well prove stillborn. Last month, I noted that there were alarming signs that tribal tensions were being stoked and that, in a region where ethnic groups transcend borders which themselves are all-too-porous, such a conflict will be impossible to contain. Now these worst fears are being confirmed by the actions of Guinea’s President Alpha Condé.
Guinea has extraordinary potential for prosperity and, indeed, wealth, thanks to its prodigious natural resources (including the largest bauxite reserves in the world). Moreover, unlike some of its neighbors, it does not want for water: the country has, in fact, been described as the “château d’eau d’Afrique de l’Ouest” because of the many great rivers—including the Niger, the Senegal, and the Gambia—which flow from its highlands. But for all these endowments, the country has seen precious little development, ranking a miserable 179th place among 187 countries in the most recent edition of the Human Development Index published by the United Nations.
The incumbent head of state, Condé, who came to power in disputed elections in 2010, has given voters few compelling reasons to award him a second and final term in the presidential election scheduled for October 11. Both urban and rural poverty have increased during the president’s tenure according to his own finance ministry’s report to the International Monetary Fund. The country faces a multimillion-dollar action in a U.S. federal court seeking to enforce a May 2014 decision by the Common Court of Justice and Arbitration, the highest tribunal of a sixteen-member African regional body on commercial law to which Guinea belongs, ruling that the Condé regime illegally ripped up a port management contract with French cargo company, Getma International. Aside from the nearly $50 million judgment against the government, the harm to the country’s reputation with desperately needed foreign investors is incalculable. And all this was before military and security forces started firing on protesters who, in recent weeks, have regularly been gathering peacefully in the capital of Conakry to support opposition demands for a free, fair, and transparent electoral process.
Absent positive achievements of note, it is not surprising that the embattled leader might turn to a crass appeal to ethnic divisions. Although precise numbers are hard to come by absent a reliable census since colonial times, it is generally estimated that the 11.5 million Guineans are roughly divided between the Peul (or Fulani) with some 40 percent of the population, the Malinké with about 30 percent, the Sousou with around 20 percent, and various smaller groups who make up the remaining 10 percent. Since independence in 1958, the country has been governed by three Malinké (Ahmed Sékou Touré, 1958-1984; Sékouba Konaté, 2009-2010; and Alpha Condé, 2010-present), a Sousou (Lansana Conté, 1984-2008), and a Guerze from the Forest Region (Moussa Dadis Camara, 2008-2009). Despite the group’s numerical plurality, no Peul has ever been president, although a good case might be made that opposition leader, former Prime Minister Cellou Dalein Diallo, who handily won the first round in the 2010 election had the race stolen from him in the run-off despite an electoral pact with the third-place finisher, former Prime Minister Sidya Touré, who threw his support behind him.
This sets the context for the crass tribal appeal Condé made this past weekend when he flew to Kankan, Guinea’s third-largest city and the center of the Malinké lands. There he was warmly welcomed by the regional governor, Nawa Damey, who is best known for having used his position as minister of territorial administration in the interim government during the 2010 election to put in as head of the national electoral commission Louceny Camara between the two rounds of voting and to pressure local government officials to throw their weight behind Condé’s candidacy in the run-off; his prize was an appointment by the new leader as head of this key bastion. Responding to the governor’s welcome, Condé pandered to the massive crowd of supporters with a nearly forty-minute speech, an audio recording of which I received from a friend in Guinea. What was most disconcerting about the discourse, however, was Condé’s opening and the enthusiastic response it received: “Si vous avez accepté le gouverneur Nawa Damey, alors qu’il est forestier, c’est parce que la Guinée appartient aux malinkés, aux forestiers et aux soussous!”
“Guinea belongs to the Malinké, to those from the Forest Region, and to the Sousou!” No mention of the Peul, the country’s largest ethnic group. A cynical, possibly even rational, political play, to be sure, but certainly not the statesmanship one would expect of a man who would be president of a multiethnic country—at the very least it is a highly irresponsible gambit in one of Africa’s most volatile and fragile subregions, one just recovering from long years of conflict, recently afflicted by Ebola, and currently on edge with an uptick in Islamist militancy coming out of the Sahel. We have seen the seeds of this type of poisonous tribalism sown before elsewhere in Africa and the harvest is always unfailingly bitter. The international community had better start paying more attention to the dangerous game that Alpha Condé is playing before it is too late.
J. Peter Pham is Director of the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center. Follow the Africa Center on Twitter at @ACAfricaCenter.
Link to French version:
The Guinean opposition has always enjoyed the support of the overwhelming majority of Guineans, as evidenced in this 2013 video.
The following article appeared in the April 23, 2015 issue of the US News and World Report. You will not find a better assessment of the dire political situation in Guinea today. The author, Peter Pham, is to be commended for his research and for parsing out the truth often masked by government disinformation campaigns.
Why Guinea’s Election Crisis Matters
The country is key to maintaining peace and stability in West Africa.
Guinea security forces and protesters on Monday, April 13, 2015.
By J. Peter Pham April 23, 2015 | 11:00 a.m. EDT + More
The international community breathed a collective sigh of relief following the recent presidential, parliamentary and gubernatorial elections in Nigeria. Although the competition was the fiercest Nigerians have ever seen and the polls were marred by some irregularities and a few regrettable episodes of violence, the graceful concession of the defeated incumbent president and the magnanimity of his challenger pave the way for next month’s historic peaceful, democratic handover of power in Africa’s most populous country. It is a significant milestone, not only for Nigeria, but for Africa as a whole.
But imagine what would have happened if President Goodluck Jonathan had rigged the election process or simply refused to accept President-elect Muhammadu Buhari’s win at the ballot box? That’s what President Alpha Conde is trying to do in nearby Guinea, a geopolitically sensitive nation in the same West African subregion, where the political upheaval and ethnic conflict being risked could easily spill over into neighboring countries, including Mali, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, all of which are just themselves emerging from prolonged periods of civil strife. Consequently, there is an urgent need for the international community to engage more robustly in Guinea. The good news from Nigeria should not be an excuse for complacency about the prospects for democracy and stability elsewhere in the region.
Moreover, we should not view Guinea merely through the prism of Ebola, despite the efforts of the incumbent president to blame everything on the epidemic of which his country has been the unfortunate epicenter, as he shamelessly did this past week in Washington. Even before the outbreak of deadly disease wreaked havoc with the economy, both urban and rural poverty were increasing during the president’s tenure according to his own finance ministry’s report to the International Monetary Fund. Unable to run on his weak record, Conde, in office since a disputed election in 2010, is using every trick in the book to remain in power. Recently, the regime has been increasingly blatant in rigging the electoral process to ensure that it “wins” the elections scheduled for less than six months from now.
The political opposition realizes that it is being railroaded by the government, which controls the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission. That body has rejiggered the electoral calendar to give an insurmountable advantage to the incumbent president, who has refused to engage in a political dialogue with the opposition for almost a year.
Frustrated by both the government’s intransigence and the international community’s lack of attention, the coalition representing the major opposition parties has taken to the streets to demand free, fair and transparent elections. The peaceful demonstrations, including a massive one planned for this Thursday, have continued despite the regime’s attempts to violently repress them. On Monday, for example, several protesters, including a 15-year-old boy, were wounded when live rounds were fired at them by police.
As a result of these demonstrations, Conde’s government has finally offered to renew dialogue with the opposition. However, Cellou Dalein Diallo, a free-market economist and former prime minister, and other leaders of the opposition coalition have declined to participate in talks with the government until two conditions are met: the pro-government electoral commission must cease to function and be revamped; and the timetable for elections which the commission unilaterally announced must be dropped in favor of one which represents the consensus of all stakeholders. Speaking from Paris on Wednesday, Conde rejected any change to the election timetable.
The preconditions are necessary because opposition leaders do not trust Conde and think that the offer of negotiations is little more than a clever trap, just fruitless dialogue designed to waste time as the electoral clock continues to tick.
The opposition is confident that it has the support of the masses. Of course, it will have to prove that assertion at the polls. But for that to occur, the entire electoral process must be free, fair and transparent. And the process has to begin long before the Oct. 11 date chosen for the presidential vote. The opposition is demanding, quite reasonably, that local elections that Conde has postponed on one pretext or another for more than four years be held before the presidential poll, in accordance with Guinea’s laws as well as the repeated promises of the president himself.
Why is this so important? First, there is no basis in the Guinean constitution for the repeated postponements of these elections and, as a result of them, as both opposition politicians and civil society leaders have pointed out, none of those occupying local government offices – mayors, local council members, ward chiefs, etc. – has a legal mandate. Second, as many observers have noted, the criteria under which these officials have been retained without the consent of their constituents has been their allegiance to the president. Third, these same unelected local officials, dependent as they are upon the incumbent for their livelihood, will be the very people who, at the grassroots level, will not only be determining who can register to vote ahead of the polls and who casts ballots on election day, but will themselves be counting ballots and tabulating results.
Opposition candidates and pro-democracy advocates alike fear, justifiably, based on their experience in the controversial 2010 presidential election from which many reports emerged of fraud, that the process will be corrupted. Thus, these activists have called on the international community, especially the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States, the European Union, France and the United States, to engage more energetically in Guinea to ensure a level playing field for the upcoming local and presidential elections. Deploying foreign observers to monitor polling sites on election day would be too little too late.
Why does Guinea matter? Why should the international community, with so many crises demanding attention, even care? Guinea matters because it constitutes a case of arrested development, a country which has never realized its ambitions despite extraordinary human and natural resources – among other things, it holds two-thirds of the world’s largest reserve of bauxite, and prodigious amounts of gold, diamonds, iron ore, graphite, manganese and other mineral resources – that could make Guinea potentially one of the richest nations in Africa. Alas, since independence in 1958, the country has been run by a series of authoritarian leaders who have ruled from the top down for the benefit of the fortunate few, not for the entire nation. Moreover, without credible elections, Guinea risks plunging into a profound political crisis and, indeed, outright conflict. Ethnic tensions are already being stoked and, in a region whose borders were very recently shown by the rapid spread of the Ebola virus to be all-too-porous, such conflicts will be impossible to contain.
To head off this very real threat, the international community needs to engage now to ensure free, fair and transparent elections yielding credible results acceptable to all Guineans. It not only matters for the people of Guinea, but is critical to maintaining peace, stability, and democratic gains of the entire region.
J. Peter Pham is director of the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center.
Declaration de la Coordination nationale Haali-pular suite a la marche de l’opposition duu 13 et 14 avril 2015 a Conakry
Déclaration de la Coordination nationale Haali-pular suite a la marche de l’opposition du 13 et 14 avril 2015 à Conakry.
- Le retrait immédiat des hommes en uniformes de la commune de Ratoma particulièrement le long de l’axe Hamdallaye-Bambéto-Koloma-Cosa-Cité-Sonfonia ;
- La prise en charge des soins médicaux de tous les blessés par l’Etat ;
- La libération immédiate et sans condition de toutes les personnes arrêtées et incarcérées dans différents centres de détention et de tortures du régime ;
- L’arrestation, le jugement et la condamnation des auteurs, des commanditaires et des complices de ces crimes odieux.
Fidèle à lui-même, Faya Millimouno a dans une déclaration dont nous détenus copie chargé le régime d’Alpha Condé. Millimouno accuse le régime de Conakry de violation répétée de la Constitution et des accords politiques signée sous l’égide des nations unies. Lisez cette déclaration:
Dans tout pays qui se veut démocratique ou en voie de démocratisation, comme la Guinée, le Président de la République doit suivre strictement les principes cardinaux qui constituent les fondements de la démocratie. C’est l’engagement sacrosaint qu’il prend le jour de son investiture. Ces principes inaliénables sont, entre autres: (1) le respect de la Constitution et des codes y afférents, (2) la tenue d’élections transparentes, dans les normes légales, et (3) la séparation des pouvoirs. Malheureusement, de 2010 à 2015, le Président Alpha Condé a systématiquement violé ces principes. Ces innombrables violations, qui vont en contresens de la Constitution Guinéenne incluent, parmi tant d’autres:
- 1.La fixation unilatérale de la date des présidentielles de 2015 par le Président Alpha Condé, supportés par des membres de la CENI, qui sont à sa solde. Cependant, il faut ajouter tout de suite que cette décision a été dénoncée et désavouée par d’autres membres démocrates de la CENI qui déclarent:
«L’organisation des élections à travers le monde entier est un processus professionnel, qui repose sur un cadre légal bien approprié… Aujourd’hui, des décisions prises ailleurs [par le Président Alpha Condé] voudraient nous imposer un agenda caché; ce que nous refusons catégoriquement quel que soit ce que cela va nous couter» fin de citation.ÂÂ
- 2.La dissolution des conseils communaux, en violation des articles 77, 80, 100 et 105 du Code des Collectivités Locales. En effet, ces articles stipulent respectivement que la durée de suspension d’un conseil communal ne peut excéder trois (3); que le Conseil d’une collectivité locale dont le tiers au moins des membres ont été reconnus coupables par le Tribunal d’avoir commis des crimes ou délits peut être dissous par décret sur proposition du Ministre chargé des collectivités locales, et que le conseil dissout doit être remplacé dans un délai maximum de six (6) mois. Malheureusement, ces dispositions et délais n’ont pas encore été respectés par Monsieur Alpha Condé.Â
- 3.La violation de l’accord obtenu entre le Gouvernement et l’Opposition Guinéenne en 2013, sous l’égide de l’envoyé de l’ONU. Cet accord, dispose que la tenue des communales devraient avoir lieu avant la fin du 1er trimestre de l’année 2014. Jusqu’à maintenant, ces élections n’ont pas eu lieu à cause de manœuvres politiciennes de Monsieur Alpha Condé.
- La non signature des accords obtenus en Juin 2014 lors du dialogue Inter-Guinéen. Ce dialogue, il faut le rappeler, a réuni les membres du gouvernement, les représentants de la Mouvance, de la CENI, ceux de l’opposition, et les deux facilitateurs nationaux. Ces accords, comme ceux de 2013 ci-dessus mentionnés, portaient, entre autres, sur la tenue des communales avant fin 2014. Cette décision, malheureusement, n’a pas été respectée jusqu’au moment de la publication de la présente déclaration. Il faut ajouter aussi que les communales n’ont jamais eu lieu depuis 2005. Ce qui malheureusement crée un vide organisationnel qui entache gravement la pratique de la démocratie à la base.ÂÂ
- 5.La tenue forcenée des élections Présidentielles avant celles des communales, comme voulue par Monsieur Alpha Condé et des membres de la CENI qui sont ses affidés.
Considérant la gravité des violations ci-dessus mentionnées commises par Monsieur Alpha Condé; violations qui relèvent du parjure, le Bloc Libéral déclareÂÂÂ que Monsieur Alpha Condé s’est juridiquement disqualifié sur deux plans: d’abord pour la continuation de son mandat en cours et, ensuite, pour sa candidature quant aux élections présidentielles de 2015.
Quand le destin national est en danger, les patriotes de tout corps de métier, de tout parti politique et de toute religion; doivent se lever pour défendre leurs vies, celles de leurs familles et des générations futures, et le bien-être de la nation. Considérant que le destin de la Guinée se joue en ce moment grave de notre histoire nationale, le BL demande à tous les Guinéens d’unifier leurs forces pour catalyser le départ de Monsieur Alpha Condé, afin d’assainir notre univers politique et permettre à la Guinée d’émerger.
Que Dieu bénisse et protège le peuple de Guinée!Â
Fait à Conakry, le 20 mars 2015
Le Bloc Libéral