Conakry, le 23 mai 2013.
Alliance for Democracy and Progress (ADP),
Collective Political Parties for Completing the Transition,
Republican Club (CDR)
Front Union for Democracy and Progress (PDF)
- Conakry – Guinea’s opposition has threatened to prevent parliamentary elections taking place on June 30 unless the South African company responsible for managing the electoral roll is replaced, its leader said.
Cellou Dalein Diallo, head of the Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG), said late on Monday that his party wanted Waymark and its local partner dropped in favour of “another operator selected on the basis of an international tender”.
“If this is not the case, we will not boycott the elections, but will prevent them outright,” he said, without elaborating.
Discontent is simmering in the west African country, where 15 people have been killed as violence has erupted several times during opposition protests calling for transparency in the election.
Among the protesters’ grievances was the selection of Waymark to revise the electoral roll, with opponents of President Alpha Conde accusing the company of colluding with the government to rig the election.
Opposition supporters in Guinea are also protesting against a decree that sets June 30 as the date for elections, which have been repeatedly delayed since 2011.
The main opposition parties underlined their suspicions over the transparency of the polls by refusing to submit their lists of candidates by Monday’s deadline, a member of Guinea’s election commission told AFP.
As a result, the candidates’ lists in most constituencies are made up of “parties unknown to most”, he said on condition of anonymity.
Meanwhile party leaders have accused the electoral commission of pricing them out of the vote by charging up to $11 600 for each nomination.
The last legislative elections were held in 2002 under then president Lansana Conte, who ruled the former French colony for 24 years until his death in December 2008, which prompted a disastrous coup marked by extreme police brutality.
The United Nations Security Council said in a statement in April that it was “worried about instability” in Guinea and called for calm in the restive nation.
Thousands of opposition supporters hit the streets of Conakry this morning. It is late afternoon in Conakry and the opposition leaders have reached the esplanade at the Palais de Peuple, or People’s Palace where speeches are underway.
The security forces have been in check, thus far. Not so, for Conde’s RPG party loyalists. A group of youth RPG concealed themselves along the route of the march and launched rocks at the procession. In another incident, a young RPG loyalist stabbed an opposition marcher. Marchers overpowered the assailant and opposition bodyguards apprehended him. The young man stabbed was taken for medical treatment.
In September 2011, Conde organized an attack on an opposition march which featured paid mercenaries, military soldiers dressed in plain clothes, and RPG loyalists who infiltrated the march and attacked marchers with knives. Hundreds of opposition supporters were followed back to their neighborhoods where the attacks continued as well as attacks on their families. Homes were ransacked and everything that was not nailed down was stolen.
If interested, the march is being live blogged on the UFDG party site, in French.
More updates to come . . .
According to the following article, the commission which discovered these anomalies has been placed directly under Alpha Conde.
Hmmm . . .
|Xinhua | 2012-11-27 16:12:18
Currently, Guinea’s public sector is estimated to have close to 100,000 employees.
The international community’s policy towards Guinea is straightforward: at all costs, the huge Guinean army must be prevented from rearing its ugly head and scaring away investors. In the 2010 presidential election, Conde, a Malinke, was deemed the person who could best prevent a coup by a largely Malinke army. Beyond that, the international community, which installed Conde in the presidency, has placed few constraints on him.
But now, the international community, anxious to close the deal on Guinea’s “democratic” transition by pressing for legislative elections, is watching Conde nervously. By Conde giving his security forces shoot-to-kill orders during peaceful demonstrations, making anti-Peul politics the center of his government policy, striking shady mining deals while courting mysterious loans, and relentlessly jerking the opposition around, when combined, scream for a presidential makeover. When you add Guinea’s refusal to pursue prosecutions for the September 28, 2009, massacre and the issuance of a UN statement this past September 28, that “political rape goes unpunished in Guinea,” the makeover becomes mandatory.
Unfortunately, the makeover is not designed to improve governance, rather it is a mechanism the international community will use to express its confidence that Guinean legislative elections will be “free and fair” and to ensure broad acceptance of the results, even if they are fraudulent, as was the case in the 2010 presidential election.
Who is capable of transforming Conde over the next few months? The answer is simple: Guinea’s former colonial ruler, France. This is the country where Conde lived for 59 years, this is the country where Conde met his good friend, Bernard Kouchner, the former foreign minister, and this is the country without which there would be no Organization of the International Francophonie which, with Kouchner at the forefront, orchestrated Conde’s “win” of the 2010 presidential election.
The first stage of Conde’s makeover is the re-shuffle of his cabinet. France’s prescription for the new cabinet is simple: get rid of the military uniforms sitting at the table in cabinet meetings and create a human rights ministry. The media are full of analyses of the re-shuffle of the Guinean government, much of it suggesting that Conde has fully embraced “democracy,” and that his government re-shuffle is proof. After two years with Conde at the helm of the country, journalists should know that Conde doesn’t do the right thing unless forced from the outside and, even then, he makes sure it is done in a way that is advantageous for him only.
Conde’s ridding the cabinet of the military is nothing more than an impressive swindle. He removed three senior military officers, which allows him to bill his government as “civilian,” which the media and the international community will translate as “democratic.” But two military officers remain in his government who are the primary perpetrators of the September 28, 2009, massacre. Claude Pivi, is the Minister for Presidential Security, but the new cabinet roster does not show his name nor list his position. And, Moussa Tiegboro Camara, technically not a cabinet member, but his czar-like responsibilities for drug enforcement, organized crime, and terrorism, ensure him a seat at cabinet meetings. Neither Pivi nor Camara were dumped in the re-shuffle. International human rights organizations have been banging Conde about Pivi and Camara, yet nothing is likely to change. Both men are from the ruling military junta of 2008-2009 and former interim president Sekouba Konate is rumored to have told Conde to make room for them in his government.
The second cabinet swindle is the establishment of a human rights ministry. After Conde clearly stated at a Washington meeting in 2011, in response to a question about human rights, that he was the president, not the head of human rights, it is clear this issue is not high on his agenda. Given that it is 2012 and almost every leader, good or bad, has a human rights office or ministry, Conde can no longer buck the idea of creating one. But, hold your applause because, just like other leaders who don’t give a damn about human rights, Conde has found a self-serving use for the new ministry. It will be nothing more than a repository for human rights complaints, which should fill very quickly given Guinea’s long-standing history of repression, and where the complaints will never see the light of day. Conde is using the same method to the September 28 massacre investigation and prosecutions by keeping the issue buried deep in the bowels of the Guinean judicial system.
But, this is not the end of Conde’s political makeover. In the next post, a bit of analysis about that near-love letter French president Hollande sent to Conde on the occasion of the anniversary of Guinea’s independence.