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SOURCE Global Alumina Corporation
TORONTO, May 15, 2013 /PRNewswire/ – Global Alumina Corporation (TSX: GLA.U) (the “Company” or “Global Alumina”) announced today that it has signed a share purchase agreement (“SPA”) with DM GAV Limited, a company established and owned equally by Mubadala Development Company PJSC and Dubai Aluminium, to sell all of Global Alumina’s interests in Guinea Alumina Corporation Limited (“Guinea Alumina”) to DM GAV. Pursuant to the SPA, DM GAV will make a US$2 million advance payment to Global Alumina on signing of the SPA and will pay an additional US$36 million upon completion of the transactions contemplated by the SPA (“Completion”), which is scheduled to occur on or before August 31, 2013. A copy of the SPA will be available on the Company’s SEDAR reference page at www.sedar.com.
Coincident with this transaction, Global Alumina International Limited (“GAIL”) and The Broken Hill Proprietary Company Pty Limited (“BHP Billiton”) have agreed to terminate their share purchase agreement which was announced on November 1, 2012. Concurrent with this termination and execution of the SPA, DM GAV signed a share purchase agreement directly with BHP Billiton to buy all of BHP Billiton’s interests in Guinea Alumina.
Conditions to Completion include no objection having been received from the Government of Guinea, completion of DM GAV’s acquisition of BHP Billiton’s interests in Guinea Alumina and Global Alumina’s regulatory and shareholder approvals. These conditions must be satisfied by August 31, 2013 or the SPA may be terminated.
Global Alumina intends to use the US$2 million advance payment to fund accrued liabilities and ongoing corporate costs until Completion. Under the SPA, the Company has given limited representations and warranties some of which will survive for up to two years following Completion.
The Company plans to call a special and general meeting of its shareholders as soon as practically possible to approve the SPA and the transactions contemplated thereby.
A management information circular describing the background to, and terms of, the proposed transaction will be mailed to shareholders in advance of the meeting after due consideration by the Company’s board of directors. The management information circular will also be made available on the Company’s reference page at www.sedar.com.
About Global Alumina
Global Alumina is in a joint venture through its wholly-owned subsidiary, Global Alumina International, Ltd., with BHP Billiton, Dubai Aluminium and MDC Industry Holding Company LLC (as successor to Mubadala Development Company PJSC), to develop an alumina refinery in the bauxite-rich region of the Republic of Guinea. Global Alumina is headquartered in Saint John, New Brunswick and has administrative offices in New York, London and Montreal. For further information visit the Company’s website at www.globalalumina.com.
Forward Looking Information
Certain information in this press release is “forward looking information”, which reflects management’s expectations regarding the Company’s future and business prospects and opportunities. Such forward looking information reflects management’s current beliefs and is based on information currently available to management. Forward looking information involves significant risks and uncertainties, should not be read as a guarantee of future performance or results, and will not necessarily be accurate indications of whether or not or the times at, or by which, such performance or results will be achieved. If the assumptions underlying forward looking information prove incorrect or if other risks or uncertainties materialize, actual results may vary materially from those anticipated in this release. This forward looking information is made as of the date of this release, and Global Alumina assumes no obligations to update or revise it to reflect new events or circumstances except as required by applicable law.
For further information, please contact:
212 351 0010
Much has happened in Guinea over the last six months and the stakes are even higher than usual because of the intention of the government to commit fraud in upcoming legislative elections. Further, the country is closer to an ethnic civil war than ever. Not hearing HRW’s strong voice during these very dangerous times is disconcerting. The people of Guinea need to know that HRW supports them in this struggle and a press release would go a long way to show that support. An increasing number of Guineans are finding themselves the target of Alpha Conde’s murderous regime. The cumulative impact of violent events since 2009 bores into the psyche of most Guineans. Yet, in those same four years, security forces and militias have achieved a level of comfort with the fact that killing opposition supporters, primarily Peuls, is their job and they will never have to face punishment.
“The opposition’s withdrawal bodes ill for a peaceful and legitimate vote. The precise implications of the election commission pushing ahead with a May date – as the commission’s chair Bakary Fofana promises – without the consent of opposition-aligned commissioners, are troubling, if unclear. Nor is it clear what the opposition means by withdrawing from the current process while insisting it will not boycott the polls, or by its oft-repeated threat to “block” the vote. Non-participation rarely proves a successful strategy. The opposition risks being left without a voice in decisions related to electoral mechanics, like the revision of voter rolls. Its exclusion, and the resulting polarisation, will make it almost impossible to manage the conflicts that will inevitably arise during a contentious competition for power in a divided society with a recent violent past. Despite recent efforts by the judiciary to curb impunity, Guinea’s security forces have a long history of heavy-handed repression. A scrappy election could present restless officers, who only recently submitted to civilian rule, with opportunities for troublemaking. The cost of divisive and violent elections for the young democracy could be enormous.” – ICG, Salvaging Guinea’s Elections, 27 Feb 2013
Africa Report N°199 18 Feb 2013
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Two years after President Alpha Condé’s victory in the first really competitive election in the history of postcolonial Guinea, the country still does not have a national assembly. Forthcoming legislative elections look set to be complicated: ethnic tensions, compounded by the 2010 polls, remain high and the electoral system is deeply controversial. The establishment of a new Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in September 2012 was an important step, but progress stalled again in December on the issue of the voter register. President Condé must engage in a genuine dialogue with the opposition and the INEC must reach a consensual solution on the register. With international support, the government and opposition must consolidate the electoral system. Peaceful and credible legislative elections are essential to establish a parliament that reflects the country’s diversity, give the opposition a real voice, restore checks and balances, and prevent the hope raised by the replacement of illegitimate military leaders with an elected civilian president turning into disillusionment.
Direct dialogue between the government and opposition on the legislative elections started more than a year after Alpha Condé came to power, with the Inclusive Framework for Political Dialogue (Cadre de dialogue politique inclusif, CDPI). It ended two months later with limited results. Between March 2012 and February 2013, there were no further direct talks, but instead a series of interventions, facilitations, consultations and announcements. Some questions have been settled and others brushed aside, but the opposition still strongly disagrees on two key issues: the INEC and the voter register. Soon after a banned opposition protest on 27 August 2012, which led to widespread disorder in the capital Conakry, the government pledged to reconstitute the INEC, and the commission’s controversial president asked that his mandate not be renewed. His successor, Bakary Fofana, presented in December a timetable setting the elections for 12 May 2013. Does this signal a way forward? Did this peculiar form of dialogue, with accusations, manoeuvres and anger, eventually yield progress?
Although there has been some headway, the level of polarisation remains high. The appointment of the new INEC members created fresh friction, with its new president rapidly coming under fire, and it is this contentious institution that must resolve the key problem of the electoral register. Tension on that issue boiled over on 10 December, when the opposition accused Fofana of violating the procedures of INEC by refusing to release a report on the register prepared by the International Organisation of Francophonie (Organisation internationale de la francophonie, OIF), and considered calling for his resignation. Fofana’s announcement, the following day, that elections would be held in May 2013 raised the temperature further: the opposition rejected that date, arguing that the INEC plenary had not been consulted.
The opposition also protested against the technical weaknesses and lack of transparency in the process of revising the electoral register, as well as the lack of preparation for the Guinean diaspora’s vote. On 29 January, the opposition, allied with a number of “centrist” parties, called for new demonstrations and dismissed the direct dialogue called for by the authorities as a ploy to have them cancel the protest. During a new INEC meeting to discuss the electoral register on 11 February, the majority supporting President Condé voted to endorse the controversial revision while opposition commissioners walked out. They might decide to suspend permanently their participation.
In sum, the situation remains worrisome. Holding elections while the government and opposition disagree on fundamental issues is dangerous. The government shows contempt for the opposition and took almost a year to engage in dialogue. The opposition maintains that President Condé was elected through fraud and prefers to avoid elections (or, at least, does not want transparent and consensual polls). It accuses the regime of ethnic favouritism. Civil society, which played a key role at the end of the 2000s, is now divided along political and ethnic lines. Controversial elections against the backdrop of ethnic disputes raise many risks at both local and national levels.
Electoral turmoil could degenerate into significant violence. Security sector reform has made limited progress and tension remains very high between the security forces, accustomed to impunity and also affected by ethnic disputes, and the population, exasperated by police and army brutality. Electoral troubles could offer opportunities to those in the armed forces who have not fully accepted their new submission to civilian authority.
The Condé regime cannot simply talk about its good governance and development ambitions: it must also iron out political tensions. Moreover, it is more important that the vote is credible than that it takes place in May – although with so much time already lost it should take place as soon as possible and certainly before December 2013. For this to happen, dialogue is vital. The road to the elections will be rocky, but it is crucial to keep friction to a minimum, maintain serious dialogue between the parties and rebuild trust in the electoral apparatus. It is also necessary to strengthen the capacity of the political system – the judiciary, territorial administration, security forces, INEC, political parties – and for civil society to manage in a proper and credible manner the conflicts that will inevitably emerge during the long electoral journey ahead.
To break the election logjam and guarantee a credible vote
To the president of the republic:
1. Set up regular meetings with the leaders of the main parties and the boards of the National Transition Council (Conseil national de transition, CNT) and INEC to discuss the political situation and establish shared understanding of the electoral system issue.
To the president of INEC:
2. Provide all INEC commissioners with all the documents relating to the organisation of the elections and clarify the procedures for the revision of the electoral register.
3. Reopen discussions on the electoral register in the INEC plenary without excluding any solution; on this issue and on others, the electoral commission must make credible decisions, which require operating on the basis of consensus rather than on a majority vote.
4. Take the necessary steps to allow Guineans living in the diaspora to exercise their right to vote.
To the government of Guinea:
5. Increase and publicise the repression of crimes and offences committed by members of the defence and security forces, whether in the execution of their duties or not.
6. Consider, in consultation with human rights organisations, the creation of an observatory of impunity.
7. Clarify publicly its position on, and its relations with, the different organisations of “donzo” traditional hunters, whose presence in urban areas is creating mistrust.
To the Guinean Social Movement:
8. Prepare for the deployment of a national electoral observation mechanism inspired from the one implemented during the 2012 presidential election in Senegal.
To the international partners of Guinea:
9. Mobilise and support international and non-governmental organisations involved in the electoral process to reinforce the credibility of the polls, including by:
a) supporting the Guinean Social Movement in the establishment of an electoral observation mechanism.b) preparing local representatives of the different parties within INEC and its sub-structures, as well as magistrates, to the management of disputes that will no doubt emerge in the course of the electoral process.
New York Opposition March, May 20: The Collective, the ADP, the CDR, and the Liberal Bloc
DATE: Lundi May 20, 2013
TIME: Start at 10 am
Location: 39th. St in front of the Guinean Mission to the United Nations.
Then the UN headquarters .
Train: 4, 5, 6.7 and Metro North to 42nd St & Lexington Avenue Grand Central Station.
- To defend the fundamental freedoms.
- To respect human rights
- For the release of supporters arrested and detained without trial.
- For a frank and sincere political dialogue.
We say NO to: Alpha Condé’s willingness to organize a sham election.
Men and women, citizens (nes) of Guinea, this is our fight, and it is in solidarity that we can honor those who have fallen under the dictatorship of Alpha Condé.
For infomation, contact:
646 307 5570; 646 240 6603: 347 223 7803; 718 708 9266; 347 828 2152; 347 255 4076; 917 569 7816; 646 837 2471; 347 260 7395
The Organizing Committee
Gov’t. Ravages Guinean Neighborhoods: Conde’s “Urban Renewal” Plan – If You Can’t Kill the Opposition, Displace Them
Conakry was rocked over the weekend with demonstrations about water outages over the last 12 days. The head of the water authority said the water should be back on by Thursday, May 16. This is over two weeks without water.
Following are two articles: the first pertains to a military incursion into the opposition neighborhood yesterday of Hamdallaye, and the second concerns Conde’s remarks about the “ghettos of Bambeto and Cosa,” ground zero of the opposition, and the need to “re-vitalize them for public use.”
Conde cannot afford to have opposition marches continue with hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters pouring out of Conarky neighborhoods. Conde intends to “re-develop” these areas to displace opposition supporters in an attempt to weaken the opposition movement overall. And, in an even more sinister move, the ultimate goal is to displace as many people as possible, in order to disenfranchise voters come election time. Conde has done this before, during the 2010 election campaign, when he incited Malinkes, including soldiers in plain clothes, to attack Peuls in towns such as Siguri and Kourousso, just a few weeks before the 2010 presidential election, causing thousands to flee and unable to return home to cast a ballot.
Following are excerpts from a guinee58.com article about a military incursion on May 13 into Hamdallaye, a neighborhood of Conakry and a stronghold of the opposition. Translated into English via Google with editing from Guinea Oye.e
On Monday, the army made a robust military descent into a neighborhood of Conakry, Hamdallaye which is known to be a stronghold of the opposition. The punitive expedition took place near a school where, armed to the teeth, the military attacked women and children who inhabit surrounding homes, especially at this time of day.
The ostensible purpose of invading the neighborhood was to search for weapons, but it was really an excuse to loot while brutalizing by women and children. This is yet another instance of Alpha Conde using violence to intimidate opposition neighborhoods.
A witness who was at the scene gave this account:: “descent of military into family homes and schools in Hamdallaye. Arrests and beatings. Tear gas dispersed into classrooms. Innocent students were arrested and brutalized. Families looked on helplessly at the devastation of their property including pots on the fire, which the military kicked over. Children are bewildered and bruised. This is extremely disgusting. “
ormations Crédibles, Analyses Neutres et Responsables
He spoke of building infrastructure of general interest and has charged his Minister of Public Works to work on the concept. He also talks about what he calls the ghettos.
He begins with, “We offer our condolences to the bereaved families and our compassion for the wounded. Guinea is a country of peace, “ begins Alpha Conde.
He added that he will maintain peace in Guinea, “despite the attempts at destabilization” .
Conde said: “Many neighborhoods like Bambeto, Cosa are ghettos. We have a strong desire to turn them into viable areas, making roads, schools, maternity centers and playgrounds. “
“When young people live in a ghetto, what are the conditions of life that lead to violence,” he said.
We are not responsible for these ghettos,” he states in a bitter tone..
Ghettoïques these neighborhoods will be replaced. Owners will be “compensated,” promises Alpha Conde. We’ll see in the execution plan.
Where do we want to lead this country with such drift? How can we understand that the head of state indexes an entire area and calls “ghettos.” when the people who live there have their dead, their mutilated lives, wounded by gunfire and detained because of their political choices and, sometimes, for belonging to a community?
In the name of what justice and what purpose the civilian population of Bambeto Cosa-axis are they left to thank you from the horde of Donzo, a death squad and men license to kill as if this part of Guinea had suddenly become a lawless zone, a place in the middle of nowhere, a real Wild West where men wearing police or gendarme are celebrated (or promoted) every time they take the life of a target that is not of their opinions or their camp? Why all this in a Republic?
Diallo Alpha A.
Directeur de publication du journal Le Populaire
Video: May 2 Guinea Opposition March, Includes Post-March Press Conf. by UFDG Prez Diallo – He’s Fired Up!
The first 46 minutes of this video shows the thousands upon thousands of people who participated in the May 2 opposition march, a bit obscured by the walls of tear gas set off by security forces. In the remaining remaining part of the video, UFDG president Cellou Dalein Diallo gives a post-march press conference — he’s on a roll and fired up about the violence by security forces, Alpha Conde and plenty more. This is followed by a minute or two of a young man who was injured in the march and is getting stitches in his forehead — you may wish to skip this. It ends with Diallo making a visit to present condolences to the family of Boubacar Diallo who was shot and killed in his neighborhood after the April 25 opposition march by government security forces. He was just 16 years old.
The following video may be the best thing Guinean security forces ever did for the people of Guinea. The video was taken by forces as they attempted to make encroachments into Peul neighborhoods on the day of the last opposition march, May 2. Several trucks and a hot water cannon truck struggle to get through burning barricades and an avalanche of rocks thrown by young kids and men. The Peul neighborhoods were organized in their strategy and the rock throwers stood their ground making the security forces retreat more than once.
This film is a stunning bird’s eye view of young Guineans who have decided that security forces, often accompanied by Conde’s Malinke militias and Donzos, will not terrorize their neighborhoods any longer. It is in these kind of operations that Peuls have been murdered, women raped, ransacking and theft of valuables, and burning of homes and businesses.
Note to the international community: This video shows clearly that this intifada is out of the bag. You can’t stuff it back in. And, if you continue to press the people of Guinea to stay in a dialogue process with their killers and force them to vote in fraudulent elections, well, more of this is on the way. Please, no complaints about “violent” opposition supporters. It is a clear case of “no justice, no peace.” Period.
The video has some sound problems and goes seemingly silent around the 19:00 minute mark for about five minutes. You may need to adjust your speakers. The video is about 41 minutes long and is followed by an unrelated video, tacked onto the end of this one and lasting about ten minutes, in which the sound is terrible.