Guinea: On May 22, the Opposition Will Bury Its Dead Victims of State-Sponsored Violence

Below is an announcement from the opposition regarding the funeral procession organized for Wednesday, May 22, to bury six opposition supporters murdered by state-sponsored forces during demonstrations.  The youngest of those killed is 14 years old.

Joint Statement by the Alliance for Democracy and Progress (ADP), the Collective of Political Parties for the Completion of Transition, The Republican Club (CDR) and the Front of Union for Democracy and Progress (FDP) 

 

The political parties, members of the Republican opposition, in agreement with the bereaved families, decided to hold next Wednesday, May 22, the funeral of six young people victims of violent forces during recent peaceful demonstrations by the opposition. To allow the opportunity for all to participate in this ceremony, the opposition has decided to postpone its information meeting and awareness session, originally scheduled for the same day in the town of Kaloum.  All parties — the ADP, the Collective , CDR and FDP — call their activists and supporters and all Guinean citizens who love justice, freedom and democracy to participate massively in the funeral to pay a final tribute to the illustrious dead: 

 

1 – Boubacar Diallo, 16 years

 

2 – Ousmane Barry, 14 

 

3 – Bella Thierno Sow, 22 years

 

4 – Lamarana Mamadou Diallo, 22 years 

 

5 – Korka Thierno Amadou Diallo, 21 years 

 

6 – Cherif Souleymane Diallo, 16 years

 

The funeral will take place according to the following program: - Receive bodies from the morgue at Donka Hospital at 13.00 - Prayer to the Great Mosque Faisal in 14h - Funeral procession to Bambeto (Common Ratoma) according to the following route: Donka – Dixinn – Roundabout Belle-vue – Roundabout Hamdallaye – Bambeto - Burial at Cemetery Bambeto. ADP and the Collective also invite the people of Guinea to the day of the funeral, Wednesday, May 22, 2013, a day of prayer and meditation for the rest of the souls of the six martyrs and all the other victims of political violence in Guinea. 

Conakry, May 17, 2013

 The Alliance for Democracy and Progress (ADP)

Press Statement: Global Alumina Announces Agreement to Sell Its Interests in Guinea Alumina Corp

Global Alumina Announces Agreement to Sell Its Interests In Guinea Alumina Corporation

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SOURCE Global Alumina Corporation

TORONTO, May 15, 2013 /PRNewswire/ – Global Alumina Corporation (TSX: GLA.U) (the “Company” or “Global Alumina”) announced today that it has signed a share purchase agreement (“SPA”) with DM GAV Limited, a company established and owned equally by Mubadala Development Company PJSC and Dubai Aluminium, to sell all of Global Alumina’s interests in Guinea Alumina Corporation Limited (“Guinea Alumina”) to DM GAV.  Pursuant to the SPA, DM GAV will make a US$2 million advance payment to Global Alumina on signing of the SPA and will pay an additional US$36 million upon completion of the transactions contemplated by the SPA (“Completion”), which is scheduled to occur on or before August 31, 2013.  A copy of the SPA will be available on the Company’s SEDAR reference page at www.sedar.com.

Coincident with this transaction, Global Alumina International Limited (“GAIL”) and The Broken Hill Proprietary Company Pty Limited (“BHP Billiton”) have agreed to terminate their share purchase agreement which was announced on November 1, 2012.  Concurrent with this termination and execution of the SPA, DM GAV signed a share purchase agreement directly with BHP Billiton to buy all of BHP Billiton’s interests in Guinea Alumina.

Conditions to Completion include no objection having been received from the Government of Guinea, completion of DM GAV’s acquisition of BHP Billiton’s interests in Guinea Alumina and Global Alumina’s regulatory and shareholder approvals.  These conditions must be satisfied by August 31, 2013 or the SPA may be terminated.

Global Alumina intends to use the US$2 million advance payment to fund accrued liabilities and ongoing corporate costs until Completion.  Under the SPA, the Company has given limited representations and warranties some of which will survive for up to two years following Completion.

The Company plans to call a special and general meeting of its shareholders as soon as practically possible to approve the SPA and the transactions contemplated thereby.

A management information circular describing the background to, and terms of, the proposed transaction will be mailed to shareholders in advance of the meeting after due consideration by the Company’s board of directors.  The management information circular will also be made available on the Company’s reference page at www.sedar.com.

About Global Alumina

Global Alumina is in a joint venture through its wholly-owned subsidiary, Global Alumina International, Ltd., with BHP Billiton, Dubai Aluminium and MDC Industry Holding Company LLC (as successor to Mubadala Development Company PJSC), to develop an alumina refinery in the bauxite-rich region of the Republic of Guinea.  Global Alumina is headquartered in Saint John, New Brunswick and has administrative offices in New York, London and Montreal.  For further information visit the Company’s website at www.globalalumina.com.

Forward Looking Information

Certain information in this press release is “forward looking information”, which reflects management’s expectations regarding the Company’s future and business prospects and opportunities.  Such forward looking information reflects management’s current beliefs and is based on information currently available to management.  Forward looking information involves significant risks and uncertainties, should not be read as a guarantee of future performance or results, and will not necessarily be accurate indications of whether or not or the times at, or by which, such performance or results will be achieved.  If the assumptions underlying forward looking information prove incorrect or if other risks or uncertainties materialize, actual results may vary materially from those anticipated in this release.  This forward looking information is made as of the date of this release, and Global Alumina assumes no obligations to update or revise it to reflect new events or circumstances except as required by applicable law.

For further information, please contact:

Michael Cella
Global Alumina
212 351 0010
cella@globalalumina.com

GUINEA: Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group – Where Are You?

At the outset, it should be said that Human Rights Watch (HRW) deserves a medal for the intensive efforts it focused on Guinea over the last several years. HRW’s most important work on human rights in Guinea came in the aftermath of the September 28, 2009, massacre and rapes of opposition supporters, largely Peul, in a stadium by state-sponsored forces. HRW interviewed victims and compiled a report called, “Bloody Monday,” which  must be one of the most compelling human rights chronicles to be issued by an  international human rights organization.  But, HRW did not stop there.  It took on both the interim government of Sekouba Konate and Alpha Conde’s regime.  HRW  assailed both governments for lack of progress in investigating the crimes committed as well as the shameful failure by the government to pursue the  perpetrators.  It also condemned Alpha Conde for putting two of the September 28 perpetrators in his cabinet.  For three years, HRW has stayed on the case continuing to push for  justice for the September 28 victims and their families.  Further, HRW kept  apace of new violations of human rights beginning with the pre- and  post-election violence in 2010 as well as Alpha Conde’s ever-expanding human  rights abuse record once in office.  The last statement from HRW on Guinea  was issued on December 5, 2012 urging Guinea to step up efforts to ensure justice for victims of the stadium massacre in 2009.  The last report on Guinea was issued in February 2013, which was a part of HRW’s annual World Report for 2013, covering calendar year 2012. 

Much has happened in Guinea over the last six months and the  stakes are even higher than usual because of the intention of the government to commit fraud in upcoming legislative elections.  Further, the country is closer to an ethnic civil war than ever.  Not hearing HRW’s strong  voice during these very dangerous times is disconcerting. The people of Guinea  need to know that HRW supports them in this struggle and a press release would go a long way to show that support.  An  increasing number of Guineans are finding themselves the target of Alpha Conde’s murderous regime.  The cumulative impact of violent events since 2009 bores into the psyche of most Guineans. Yet, in those same four years, security forces and militias have achieved a level of comfort with the fact that killing opposition supporters, primarily Peuls, is their job and they will never have to face punishment. 

The people of Guinea need the shining light that only international human rights organizations can provide.  But, like most non-governmental organizations, human rights groups have shifts in priorities which can account for those lights shining less brightly along the way. Sometimes this happens because of reduction in staff, other times it is precipitated by a change in focus from one part of the world to another.  For instance, how many human rights groups readjusted resources to more closely focus on the so-called Arab Spring?  But, most often these kinds of changes are the result of overriding political concerns, usually raised by influential board members.  

 

Yet, some human rights abuse problems are so serious that they should remain a priority for all  major human rights organizations.  In the case of Guinea, it is the commission of state-sponsored violence to conduct ethnic cleansing.  Not since the regime of Sekou Toure, Guinea’s first president, has ethnic cleansing of the Peul ethnic group been an established policy of the government.  If we go back  to the massacre and rapes of September 2009, we know that the perpetrators were hunting for Peuls because they asked about the ethnic identity of their victims just before killing or raping them.  In the case of the 2010 violence  perpetrated by the interim government, Peuls were specifically disenfranchised in the presidential election and ethnic cleansing was the tool of intimidation.   Alpha Conde has used ethnic cleansing regularly since coming to office in 2011 and it is even more prevalent today.  Killing Peuls is the only way to rid himself of the overwhelming majority of Guineans who did not vote for him as well as a way to ensure he maintains his following among Malinkes.

On February 18, 2013, the International Crisis Group (ICG), laid out a bombshell of a report focused on getting Guinea out of a “quagmire” that prevents it from holding legislative elections.  The executive summary of the report, entitled “Guinea:  A Way Out of the Election  Quagmire” appears below.  The remarkable thing about this report is that it demonstrates an almost innate understanding of Guineans. the dynamics between ethnic groups, and the historical forces which have brought Guineans to where they are now.  Even more incredible is that all the recommendations for change are directed at Alpha Conde. his government, and his assorted forces, both official and unofficial. There are no recommendations for the opposition.

 

Let’s look at some of the recommendations (see below, at the end of the executive summary) made by ICG.  Four things are remarkable.  

 

First, if you were to sum up the first recommendation to Conde, it is to “act like a president.”  It recommends bringing together political parties, the National Transition Council, and the CENI to talk about how to work together and resolve differences.  Elementary!

 

Second, the CENI is urged strongly to make arrangements for diaspara voting (as provided for in the Constitution) and to, well, act like an electoral council by playing fair and to quit pulling fast ones.  Unbelievable!

 

Third it tells the government to clarify its position on Donzos.  Obviously, ICG knows about Conde’s Donzo fighters and probably about his assorted Malinke militias.  ICG is telling Conde to come clean on his Donzo groups, but knows he won’t.  Yet, by putting this recommendation in the report, ICG “outs” Conde sufficiently.  Brilliant!

 

Fourth, the recommendation to the international community is to intercede, guide and make sure that the elections are fair and square. Usually such carte blanche is given to members of the international community to assist with committing election fraud, such as during the 2010 presidential election. Ironic!

 

All the recommendations taken together tell a story about why Guineans cannot go to legislative elections as long as Alpha Conde is at the helm of the country.  You cannot trust Alpha Conde as far as you can throw him, the CENI is overrun by Conde’s crony operatives, the government is using Donzos (also security forces and Malinke militias) to kill the opposition, especially Peuls, and only the international community can fix this mess.  Things look quite bad for Alpha Conde and his administration.  

 

So how did ICG follow up on its report?  What does it have to say about the recent and intense deterioration of the political situation and increased violence in Guinea? Since the report was issued, ICG staff have given interviews to the media which have focused largely on the report’s recommendations  But, it was in an ICG press statement issued just 8 days after the “Quagmire” report, on February 27, 2013, which “calls out” the opposition for withdrawing from talks with the government concerning the election, that a slightly new attitude at ICG emerged.  Here is an excerpt:

 

“The opposition’s withdrawal bodes ill for a peaceful and legitimate vote. The precise implications of the election commission pushing ahead with a May date – as the commission’s chair Bakary Fofana promises – without the consent of opposition-aligned commissioners, are troubling, if unclear. Nor is it clear what the opposition means by withdrawing from the current process while insisting it will not boycott the polls, or by its oft-repeated threat to “block” the vote. Non-participation rarely proves a successful strategy. The opposition risks being left without a voice in decisions related to electoral mechanics, like the revision of voter rolls. Its exclusion, and the resulting polarisation, will make it almost impossible to manage the conflicts that will inevitably arise during a contentious competition for power in a divided society with a recent violent past. Despite recent efforts by the judiciary to curb impunity, Guinea’s security forces have a long history of heavy-handed repression. A scrappy election could present restless officers, who only recently submitted to civilian rule, with opportunities for troublemaking. The cost of divisive and violent elections for the young democracy could be enormous.”  – ICG, Salvaging Guinea’s Elections, 27 Feb 2013

 

Researchers who worked on the “Quagmire” report know well why the opposition cannot sit down and talk with Conde’s government about anything.  It is a never-ending duplicitous trap that can only hurt the opposition.  But, someone, somewhere in ICG or close to it, thought it necessary to rap the opposition’s knuckles over its intent to “walk away” from elections.  A low and unnecessary blow.  It is likely that this stance about the opposition was taken to assuage the international community which is as willing to send Guineans into a highly fraudulent election as it would be to send lemmings over a cliff.  It is a low and unnecessary blow.  

 

Now, ICG needs to do the right thing by the people of Guinea, as it did in the “Quagmire” report, and explain that it cannot support the holding of elections in Guinea at this time.  It cannot produce more statements like the one above which attempts to lay blame for a violent future and the possibility of a military takeover of the country on the opposition.  For this, ICG must focus on Alpha Conde.  Remember, the people of Guinea’s lives changed horribly when Conde committed massive fraud and stole the 2010 election.  They will not march into a fraudulent election again.  Here’s hoping ICG can muster up the spirit of the “Quagmire” report and support the Guinean people’s right to resist a fraudulent election.  ICG staff would never vote in an election in their own countries if similar electoral fraud was such a profound reality.

 

 

Guinea:  A Way Out of the Election Quagmire

Africa Report N°199 18 Feb 2013

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Two years after President Alpha Condé’s victory in the first really  competitive election in the history of postcolonial Guinea, the country still  does not have a national assembly. Forthcoming legislative elections look set to  be complicated: ethnic tensions, compounded by the 2010 polls, remain high and  the electoral system is deeply controversial. The establishment of a new  Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in September 2012 was an  important step, but progress stalled again in December on the issue of the voter  register. President Condé must engage in a genuine dialogue with the opposition  and the INEC must reach a consensual solution on the register. With  international support, the government and opposition must consolidate the  electoral system. Peaceful and credible legislative elections are essential to  establish a parliament that reflects the country’s diversity, give the  opposition a real voice, restore checks and balances, and prevent the hope  raised by the replacement of illegitimate military leaders with an elected  civilian president turning into disillusionment.

Direct dialogue between the government and opposition on the legislative  elections started more than a year after Alpha Condé came to power, with the  Inclusive Framework for Political Dialogue (Cadre de dialogue politique  inclusif, CDPI). It ended two months later with limited results. Between March  2012 and February 2013, there were no further direct talks, but instead a series  of interventions, facilitations, consultations and announcements. Some questions  have been settled and others brushed aside, but the opposition still strongly  disagrees on two key issues: the INEC and the voter register. Soon after a  banned opposition protest on 27 August 2012, which led to widespread disorder in  the capital Conakry, the government pledged to reconstitute the INEC, and the  commission’s controversial president asked that his mandate not be renewed. His  successor, Bakary Fofana, presented in December a timetable setting the  elections for 12 May 2013. Does this signal a way forward? Did this peculiar  form of dialogue, with accusations, manoeuvres and anger, eventually yield  progress?

Although there has been some headway, the level of polarisation remains high.  The appointment of the new INEC members created fresh friction, with its new  president rapidly coming under fire, and it is this contentious institution that  must resolve the key problem of the electoral register. Tension on that issue  boiled over on 10 December, when the opposition accused Fofana of violating the  procedures of INEC by refusing to release a report on the register prepared by  the International Organisation of Francophonie (Organisation internationale de  la francophonie, OIF), and considered calling for his resignation. Fofana’s  announcement, the following day, that elections would be held in May 2013 raised  the temperature further: the opposition rejected that date, arguing that the  INEC plenary had not been consulted.

The opposition also protested against the technical weaknesses and lack of  transparency in the process of revising the electoral register, as well as the  lack of preparation for the Guinean diaspora’s vote. On 29 January, the  opposition, allied with a number of “centrist” parties, called for new  demonstrations and dismissed the direct dialogue called for by the authorities  as a ploy to have them cancel the protest. During a new INEC meeting to discuss  the electoral register on 11 February, the majority supporting President Condé  voted to endorse the controversial revision while opposition commissioners  walked out. They might decide to suspend permanently their participation.

In sum, the situation remains worrisome. Holding elections while the  government and opposition disagree on fundamental issues is dangerous. The  government shows contempt for the opposition and took almost a year to engage in  dialogue. The opposition maintains that President Condé was elected through  fraud and prefers to avoid elections (or, at least, does not want transparent  and consensual polls). It accuses the regime of ethnic favouritism. Civil  society, which played a key role at the end of the 2000s, is now divided along  political and ethnic lines. Controversial elections against the backdrop of  ethnic disputes raise many risks at both local and national levels.

Electoral turmoil could degenerate into significant violence. Security sector  reform has made limited progress and tension remains very high between the  security forces, accustomed to impunity and also affected by ethnic disputes,  and the population, exasperated by police and army brutality. Electoral troubles  could offer opportunities to those in the armed forces who have not fully  accepted their new submission to civilian authority.

The Condé regime cannot simply talk about its good governance and development  ambitions: it must also iron out political tensions. Moreover, it is more  important that the vote is credible than that it takes place in May – although  with so much time already lost it should take place as soon as possible and  certainly before December 2013. For this to happen, dialogue is vital. The road  to the elections will be rocky, but it is crucial to keep friction to a minimum,  maintain serious dialogue between the parties and rebuild trust in the electoral  apparatus. It is also necessary to strengthen the capacity of the political  system – the judiciary, territorial administration, security forces, INEC,  political parties – and for civil society to manage in a proper and credible  manner the conflicts that will inevitably emerge during the long electoral  journey ahead.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To break the election logjam and guarantee a credible vote

To the president of the republic:

1.  Set up regular meetings with the leaders of the main parties and the boards of the National Transition Council (Conseil national de transition, CNT)  and INEC to discuss the political situation and establish shared understanding  of the electoral system issue.

To the president of INEC:

2.  Provide all INEC commissioners with all the documents relating to the  organisation of the elections and clarify the procedures for the revision of the  electoral register.

3.  Reopen discussions on the electoral register in the INEC plenary without  excluding any solution; on this issue and on others, the electoral commission must make credible decisions, which require operating on the basis of consensus rather than on a majority vote.

4.  Take the necessary steps to allow Guineans living in the diaspora to  exercise their right to vote.

To the government of Guinea:

5.  Increase and publicise the repression of crimes and offences committed by  members of the defence and security forces, whether in the execution of their  duties or not.

6.  Consider, in consultation with human rights organisations, the creation  of an observatory of impunity.

7.  Clarify publicly its position on, and its relations with, the different  organisations of “donzo” traditional hunters, whose presence in urban areas is  creating mistrust.

To the Guinean Social Movement:

8.  Prepare for the deployment of a national electoral observation mechanism  inspired from the one implemented during the 2012 presidential election in  Senegal.

To the international partners of Guinea:

9.  Mobilise and support international and non-governmental organisations  involved in the electoral process to reinforce the credibility of the polls, including by:

a) supporting the Guinean Social Movement in the establishment of an  electoral observation mechanism.

b) preparing local representatives of the different parties within INEC and  its sub-structures, as well as magistrates, to the management of disputes that  will no doubt emerge in the course of the electoral process.

Opposition Marches on Three Continents in One Week: Paris, New York, and Guinea

 

Last week, Guinea Oye posted an announcement about an opposition march which will take place in Paris on May 18. On Monday, May 20, there will be an opposition march in New York – details are below.  On May 22,  the opposition will march in Guinea followed by a nationwide march on May 23, and a nationwide strike day on May 24.  More information will be provided on this march as details become available.

New York Opposition March, May 20:  The Collective, the ADP, the CDR, and the Liberal Bloc

DATE: Lundi May 20, 2013

TIME:  Start at 10 am

Location: 39th. St in front of the Guinean Mission to the United Nations.

Then the UN headquarters .

Train: 4, 5, 6.7 and Metro North to 42nd St & Lexington Avenue Grand Central Station.

The message: 

 -  To defend the fundamental freedoms.

-  To respect human rights

- For the release of supporters arrested and detained without trial.

-  For a frank and sincere political dialogue.

We say NO to:    Alpha Condé’s willingness to organize a sham election.

Men and women, citizens (nes) of Guinea, this is our fight, and it is in solidarity that we can honor those who have fallen under the dictatorship of Alpha Condé.

For infomation, contact:

646 307 5570; 646 240 6603: 347 223 7803; 718 708 9266; 347 828 2152; 347 255 4076; 917 569 7816; 646 837 2471; 347 260 7395

The Organizing Committee

Gov’t. Ravages Guinean Neighborhoods: Conde’s “Urban Renewal” Plan – If You Can’t Kill the Opposition, Displace Them

Conakry was rocked over the weekend with demonstrations about water outages over the last 12 days.  The head of the water authority said the water should be back on by Thursday, May 16.  This is over two weeks without water.

Following are two articles: the first pertains to a military incursion into the opposition neighborhood yesterday of Hamdallaye, and the second concerns Conde’s remarks about the “ghettos of Bambeto and Cosa,” ground zero of the opposition, and the need to “re-vitalize them for public use.”

Conde cannot afford to have opposition marches continue with hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters pouring out of Conarky neighborhoods. Conde intends to “re-develop” these areas to displace opposition supporters in an attempt to weaken the opposition movement overall.  And, in an even more sinister move, the ultimate goal is to displace as many people as possible, in order to disenfranchise voters come election time.  Conde has done this before, during the 2010 election campaign, when he incited Malinkes, including soldiers in plain clothes, to attack Peuls in towns such as Siguri and Kourousso, just a few weeks before the 2010 presidential election, causing thousands to flee and unable to return home to cast a ballot.

Following are excerpts from a guinee58.com article about a military incursion on May 13 into Hamdallaye, a neighborhood of Conakry and a stronghold of the opposition.  Translated into English via Google with editing from Guinea Oye.e

On Monday, the army made a robust military descent into a neighborhood of Conakry, Hamdallaye which is  known to be a stronghold of the opposition. The punitive expedition took place near a school where, armed to the teeth, the military attacked women and children who inhabit surrounding homes, especially at this time of day.

The ostensible purpose of invading the neighborhood was to search for weapons, but it was really an excuse to loot while brutalizing by women and children.  This is yet another instance of Alpha Conde using violence to intimidate opposition neighborhoods.

A witness who was at the scene gave this account:: “descent of military into family homes and schools in Hamdallaye. Arrests and beatings. Tear gas dispersed into classrooms. Innocent students were arrested and brutalized. Families looked on helplessly at the devastation of their property including pots on the fire, which the military kicked over. Children are bewildered and bruised. This is extremely disgusting. “

 ormations Crédibles, Analyses Neutres et Responsables

Following are excerpts from an article on guinee58.com regarding Conde’s intention to “re-develop” Conakry ghettos.  Translated into English via Google with editing by Guinea Oye

On Saturday, May 4, in Conakry, Alpha Conde inaugurated a bridge in Taouyah and, during the ceremony, made some peculiar remarks that give a hint as to yet another way the government intends to repress and most likely disenfranchise those living in the neighborhoods of Bambeto and Cosa, ground zero of the opposition’s support.

He spoke of building infrastructure of general interest and has charged his Minister of Public Works to work on the concept. He also talks about what he calls the ghettos.

He begins with, “We offer our condolences to the bereaved families and our compassion for the wounded. Guinea is a country of peace, “ begins Alpha Conde.

He added that he will maintain peace in Guinea, “despite the attempts at destabilization” .

Conde said: “Many neighborhoods like Bambeto, Cosa are ghettos. We have a strong desire to turn them into viable areas, making roads, schools, maternity centers and playgrounds. “

“When young people live in a ghetto, what are the conditions of life that lead to violence,” he said.

We are not responsible for these ghettos,” he states in a bitter tone..

Ghettoïques these neighborhoods will be replaced. Owners will be “compensated,” promises Alpha Conde. We’ll see in the execution plan.

Where do we want to lead this country with such drift? How can we understand that the head of state indexes an entire area and calls “ghettos.” when the people who live there have their dead, their mutilated lives, wounded by gunfire and detained because of their political choices and, sometimes, for belonging to a community?

In the name of what justice and what purpose the civilian population of Bambeto Cosa-axis are they left to thank you from the horde of Donzo, a death squad and men license to kill as if this part of Guinea had suddenly become a lawless zone, a place in the middle of nowhere, a real Wild West where men wearing police or gendarme are celebrated (or promoted) every time they take the life of a target that is not of their opinions or their camp? Why all this in a Republic?

Diallo Alpha A.

Directeur de publication du journal Le Populaire

 

 

Video: May 2 Guinea Opposition March, Includes Post-March Press Conf. by UFDG Prez Diallo – He’s Fired Up!

The first 46 minutes of this video shows the thousands upon thousands of people who participated in the May 2 opposition march, a bit obscured by the walls of tear gas set off by security forces.  In the remaining remaining part of the video, UFDG president Cellou Dalein Diallo gives a post-march press conference — he’s on a roll and fired up about the violence by security forces, Alpha Conde and plenty more.  This  is followed by a minute or two of a young man who was injured in the march and is getting stitches in his forehead — you may wish to skip this.  It ends with Diallo making a visit to present condolences to the family of Boubacar Diallo who was shot and killed in his neighborhood after the April 25 opposition march by government security forces.  He was just 16 years old.

Guinea’s Intifada: The Right to Resist a Repressive Regime (Video, May 2)

The following video may be the best thing Guinean security forces ever did for the people of Guinea.  The video was taken by forces as they attempted to make encroachments into Peul neighborhoods on the day of the last opposition march, May 2.  Several trucks and a hot water cannon truck struggle to get through burning barricades and an avalanche of rocks thrown by young kids and men.  The Peul neighborhoods were organized in their strategy and  the rock throwers  stood their ground making the security forces retreat more than once.

This film is a stunning bird’s eye view of young Guineans who have decided that security forces, often accompanied by Conde’s Malinke militias and Donzos, will not terrorize their neighborhoods any longer.   It is in these kind of operations that  Peuls have been murdered, women raped, ransacking and theft of valuables, and burning of homes and businesses.

Note to the international community:  This video shows clearly that this intifada is out of the bag.  You can’t stuff it back in.  And, if you continue to press the people of Guinea to stay in a dialogue process with their killers and force them to vote in fraudulent elections, well, more of this is on the way.  Please, no complaints about “violent” opposition supporters.  It is a clear case of  “no justice, no peace.”  Period.

The video has some sound problems and goes seemingly silent around the 19:00 minute mark for about five minutes.   You may need to adjust your speakers.  The video is about 41 minutes long and is followed by an unrelated video, tacked onto the end of this one and lasting about ten minutes, in which the sound is terrible.